Monday, October 31, 2005

Afghanistan: Pakistani held for attack on UK soldier

Pakistani held for attack on UK soldier

MAZAR-I-SHARIF: One of four men arrested for an attack that killed a British soldier in northern Aghanistan is a Pakistani who had arrived in the country just days earlier, police said Sunday.

Gunmen opened fire on a vehicle carrying British soldiers serving with the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in the main northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif on Saturday, killing one and wounding five.

An Afghan interpreter was also wounded in the attack on an unmarked ISAF vehicle near the city’s famous Blue Mosque.

Three of the men detained after the attack were Afghans but a fourth said he was a Pakistani national who had only entered Afghanistan a few days before the ambush, Mazar-i-Sharif police spokesman Shirgan Dorani told AFP. The man had said he had trained at a religious school, or madrassa, in Pakistan, Dorani said. afp

Four pious witnesses required to prove rape charge

Police terms of reference for Sonia

‘Get four pious witnesses to prove rape charge’

By our correspondent

ISLAMABAD: The police inquiry team Wednesday asked Sonia Naz to produce four pious and reputable Muslim witnesses to testify her charge of rape at the hands of cops, otherwise her case would be dismissed.

The inquiry officers also warned Sonia that since the Punjab police was bugging her telephones for the last many months, the recording of her conversation with Lahore, Faisalabad and Islamabad journalists, who, they alleged, had been publishing her side of the story, would be used at an appropriate time.

Sonia alleged that during investigations, one of the inquiry officers, SP Captain Usman Khattak, asked her to give details and names of her "boyfriends" and other "flirtations" she might have had.

Dismissing the indecent allegations angrily, Sonia asked Captain Usman what these questions had to do with her rape case. Sonia said the inquiry officers asked every question about her past except the "abduction, torture and rape at the hand of SP Khalid Abdullah".

The inquiry team including Aslam Tarin, SP Captain Abid Qadri and SP Captain Usman Khattak told Sonia during investigation that she was required to bring in at least four witnesses who could testify to the alleged rape by SP Khalid Abdullah and Inspector Jamshed Chishti.

Sonia told the investigators that many evidences were already given in the inquiry report of DIG Zafar Qureshi and Saad Bharwana and they should first consult that report. But the inquiry officers said they did not believe in the findings of the previous report.

Sonia told the inquiry officers that SP Khalid Abdullah and Inspector Jamshed Chishti had abducted her and all those who subjected her to torture and later, raped her were closely linked to Inspector Chishti. Sonia counter-questioned how she could produce all those who, she alleged, acted on behalf of SP Khalid Abdullah.

Sunday, October 30, 2005

Etisalat walks out of PTCL privatization

Sunday, October 30, 2005
Etisalat walks out, govt refers case to Privatisation Board

Staff Report

ISLAMABAD: The government on Saturday referred the privatisation issue of the Pakistan Telecommunications Company Limited (PTCL) to the Privatisation Board and the Cabinet Committee on Privatisation for a final decision after the Privatisation Commission failed to resolve differences with Emirates Telecommunications Corporation (Etisalat), which did not meet the October 28 deadline of depositing about $2.59 billion for a 26 percent stake in PTCL. Privatisation and Investment Minister Dr Hafeez Sheikh chaired a meeting on Saturday with Privatisation Commission officials to discuss the Etisalat issue. Privatisation Committee officials said the meeting was officially informed that Etisalat was no more interested in a 26 percent share in PTCL.

Dr Hafeez Sheikh told reporters after the meeting that PTCL’s privatisation was a big deal. “We still want the deal with Etisalat to come through according to schedule,” he said before going to meet Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz to discuss the issue and decide whether to offer the deal to the second highest bidder or to continue talking to Etisalat.

Etisalat on Friday failed to make its final payment of about $2.59 billion. This is the third time that Etisalat has petitioned the Privatisation Committee to extend the deadline for making the final payment. Etisalat offered the Privatisation Commission about $2.59 billion for a 26 percent stake in PTCL and control over its management.

Saturday, October 29, 2005

PTCL sale: Etisalat fails to make final payment: PTCL deadline passes

Etisalat fails to make final payment: PTCL deadline passes

ISLAMABAD, Oct 28: Etisalat of UAE did not make the final payment required to take over 26 per cent stake along with management control of Pakistan Telecommunication Company Limited (PTCL) on the extended deadline of October 28, giving strength to the word that the country’s largest sale deal failed to materialize.

Privatization Commission officials including Federal Privatization Minister Dr Abdul Hafeez Sheikh and Secretary Tehsin Iqbal were not ready to say a word on record about the transaction.

The minister was not taking calls on his mobile and residential telephone lines. A young boy picked up the telephone at Secretary Tehsin Iqbal’s residence and this correspondent heard Mr Tehsin saying he was not at home.

A senior government official, however, confirmed that the highest bidder of PTCL did not make final payment or any other communication about the transaction until 2100 hours on October 28.

“I cannot speculate about tomorrow but I can confirm that final payment has not come as of Friday night”, said a senior official requesting anonymity. “I am not aware if something is going on at the top government level but to me the transaction has lost the ground,” he said.

He said he could not say if Etisalat board of directors met on Friday in UAE to consider the PTCL issue.

He said the Privatization Commission may come out with a formal statement or hold a news briefing on October 29 to say whether or not to confiscate the 25 per cent of the $2.6 billion first instalment made by Etisalat and cancel the deal or whatever may be the future strategy because legally it had to wait until midnight on October 28.

Responding to a question, he ruled out payment by Etisalat in the United States to utilize extended banking hours there but said the government could not take even a 0.1 per cent chance to announce anything until October 29.

Last month, the government had granted one-month extension to Etisalat (till October 28, 2005) to complete the privatization transaction of PTCL and take over the entity on the request of Etisalat.

The request was formally accepted by Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz reportedly in view of difficulties being faced by Etisalat in completing the financial requirements owing to re-composition of its board of directors and some other post-privatization conditionalities.

It would be the second time a UAE investor backing out of the privatization transaction. Earlier, Kanooz Al-Watan had backed out of the privatization of Karachi Electric Supply Corporation.

On September 28, the privatization commission had said “following the meetings between CEO of Etisalat and senior officials of Government of Pakistan, the contracting parties i.e. government of Pakistan and Etisalat have agreed to extend the completion period until October 28, 2005”.

“The interceding period will be used to finalize the privatization of Pakistan Telecommunication Company Limited”, the September 28 statement had added.

The Etisalat had won the 26 per cent stake along with management control of PTCL on June 18, 2005 at a total bid price of $2.6 billion. It was required to make 25 per cent down payment within 14 days and remaining 75 per cent in 60 days. As such, full payment by Etisalat and handing over and taking over of Pakistan’s largest company should have been completed by August 28, 2005.

Privatisation Commission (PC) had also granted a post-bidding favour to Etisalat by reducing the time from 36 months to 18 months to pledge 26 per cent PTCL ‘B’ class shares for raising necessary funds, a relaxation which was refused to other bidders during the due diligence phase.

When the issue of PTCL privatization was placed before the Cabinet Committee on Privatisation (CCoP) for discussion in its meeting on September 1, it was told that Etisalat had requested permission to pledge its ‘B’ class shares 18 months after completion of the transaction, instead of 36 months envisaged in the bid documents, to enable it to arrange necessary financing.

Tuesday, October 25, 2005

Brief: Ericsson Plans R&D Center In India

Brief: Ericsson Plans R&D Center In India

Swedish telecom firm will invest hundreds of millions of dollars in India, for research and development, manufacturing and distribution.
By K.C. Krishnadas

BANGALORE, India — Swedish telecom firm Ericsson plans to invest hundreds of millions of dollars in India, setting up an R & D center in India, expand its existing manufacturing facilities, and build a global distribution center. The R & D center will be in Chennai, southern India. Ericsson already has outsourced some R & D efforts to Wipro Technologies and Tata Consultancy Services, and the new center will be in addition to the existing partnerships, according to reports. The expanded manufacturing facility will be in Jaipur, northwestern India, while the global delivery center will be in Gurgaon, near New Delhi. With annual investments of about $100 million in India, Ericsson now employs 1,500 there and will add up to a thousand people each year in the country. But the company has ruled out a plant to manufacture wireless handsets in the country.

Monday, October 24, 2005

Group asks US to stop deporting Pakistanis

Group asks US to stop deporting Pakistanis

By Khalid Hasan

WASHINGTON: A Pakistani group has requested US authorities to stop deporting Pakistani immigrants because of infringements of US immigration law.

The New York-based US-Pakistan Freedom Forum said in a statement that those Pakistanis whose immigration regularisation cases had been gathering dust for years should be expeditiously finalised with sympathy.

The forum also demanded that the US Treasury Department permit Pakistanis travelling to their country to be with their families affected by the earthquake to carry twice the amount of cash currently allowed under the law. The forum said there were a couple of thousand Pakistani women with young children living in the greater New York region whose husbands had been deported in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. These women were without legal papers, but were fearful of declaring themselves to the authorities. The forum proposed a general amnesty for such women and their families.

The statement also called on all Pakistani embassies to redouble their efforts to have the maximum amount of money raised abroad for victims of the earthquake.

Wednesday, October 19, 2005

Cisco to inject $1.1 billion in Indian operations: 750 million $ for R&D

Cisco to inject $1.1 billion in Indian operations

Upbeat over its decade-long operations in India, networking gear maker Cisco Systems said it will invest an additional $1.1 billion to expand its Indian operations over the next three years.

Cisco president and chief executive John Chambers, who began a thee-day visit to India Wednesday, announced the investments. The major portion of the funds, $750 million, will go toward boosting research and development activities, particularly at its global R&D center in Bangalore.

The San Jose, Calif.-based networking company said it also earmarked $150 million for enhancing leasing options available to its India customers and partners, $100 million for venture capital, and $100 million for improving technical support and opening more spare-part depots.

Cisco disclosed the investment plans after Chambers met in New Delhi with India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Singh's Minister for Communications and Information Technology, Dayanidhi Maran. Chambers' last visit to India was in 2001, when he announced an investment of $250 million.

"Cisco believes that the Internet, and related technologies, will be a key enabler for India to achieve its goal of becoming a developed nation," Chambers said in a statement. "As Indian companies strive to be globally competitive, they have realized the importance of investing in information technology and networking to adapt quickly to rapidly shifting market transitions." "A year and a half ago, Cisco recognized this inflection point in the Indian market and made several strategic investments, which are paying off today," Chambers said.

Cisco, which sells routers and other network infrastructure equipment to telecommunications companies and call centers, has been one of the major beneficiaries of deregulation of Indian telecommunications market and outsourcing boom in the last few years.

In 1995, Cisco became one of the first global firms to set up shop in India. Last December, Nokia unveiled plans for a mobile devices factory, while both Microsoft and Motorola have opened research labs in Bangalore.

Tuesday, October 18, 2005

TCS wins $847 mn outsourcing deal in UK

TCS wins $847 mn outsourcing deal in UK

Tata Consultancy, India's leading software exporter, on Tuesday said it had won a £480 million ($847 million) outsourcing contract from Britain's Pearl Group insurers for a 12-year-period.

Tata Consultancy (TCS) said the British group would transfer its entire existing business processes to a new TCS subsidiary proposed to be set up in Britain to manage the new acquisition.

"The agreement will mean that a new company, a subsidiary of TCS, will be set up and employ about 950 of Pearl group's current 1,100 staff," TCS said in a statement to the Mumbai stock exchange.

The new subsidiary will specialise in business process outsourcing for life and pension businesses starting with Pearl Group. It will also manage businesses of other insurance companies.

"The deal will generate revenues of over £480 million ($847 million) over the next 12 years," TCS said.

"This deal validates our strategy of pioneering the next generation of Business Process Outsourcing opportunities," S Ramadorai, chief executive officer of TCS, said in the statement.

"Our extensive experience working in the insurance industry together with our excellence in technology will help us emerge as a significant player in life assurance and pensions administration services and help us continue our strong growth momentum."

On the Mumbai stock exchange, shares of TCS rose 1.26 per cent or Rs 18.10 to 1,451.95 after the company issued the statement.

Last week TCS announced a second quarter net profit rise of 21 per cent from a year ago driven by new businesses from existing clients.

Tata Consultancy net profit rose to Rs 6.93 billion ($157 million) in the quarter ending September 30, 2005 from Rs 5.74 billion ($131 million) a year ago.

Total second quarter revenue rose 21.8 per cent to Rs 29.82 billion ($677 million) compared to Rs 24.48 billion a year ago.

Monday, October 17, 2005

Terrorist groups and Earthquake relief

Extremists Fill Aid Chasm After Quake
Group Banned In Pakistan Dispenses Relief

By John Lancaster and Kamran Khan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, October 16, 2005; A19

MUZAFFARABAD, Pakistan, Oct. 15 -- The army was slow to respond, and international aid agencies are in some ways just getting started. But here amid the rubble and the rain at the heart of Pakistan's earthquake zone, the zealous foot soldiers of Jamaat ul-Dawa, one of the country's most prominent Islamic extremist groups, are very much in evidence.

On a sloping muddy field near the rushing Neelum River, the group has established a large field hospital complete with X-ray equipment, dental department, makeshift operating theater, and even a tent for visiting journalists. Dispensaries are piled high with donated stocks of antibiotics, painkillers and other medical supplies.

"Even the army people have come over here to get first aid," said Mohammed Ayub, a long-bearded urologist from Lahore who is volunteering at the field hospital. "The casualties and destruction are so much that they are unable to cope."

Jamaat ul-Dawa is no ordinary charity. Founded in 1989 under a different name, it is the parent organization of Lashkar-i-Taiba, one of the largest and best-trained groups fighting Indian forces in the disputed Himalayan province of Kashmir. Lashkar-i-Taiba has been linked by U.S. authorities to al Qaeda and in 2002 was banned by Pakistan's government as a terrorist organization.

Jamaat ul-Dawa is one of several hard-line Islamic groups that have assumed a prominent role in relief operations following the devastating Oct. 8 earthquake in Pakistani-controlled Kashmir and adjacent areas.

Other groups with a visible presence on Saturday in Muzaffarabad, the largest town in the area, were the charitable wing of Jamiat-i-Islami, an Islamic political party with ideological links to the Palestinian militant group Hamas; and the Al-Rasheed Trust, a Karachi-based charity whose U.S. assets were frozen by the Bush administration in 2003 on grounds that it channeled funds to al Qaeda. The group has denied the charge and says it is focused purely on social welfare.

The groups' effective and visible relief work, analysts say, has bolstered their prestige, possibly at the expense of Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's president, and the army, whose initial response was widely criticized as slow and disorganized.

"Definitely they will gain," Ershad Mahmud, an analyst on Kashmir at the Institute for Policy Studies in Islamabad, said of Jamaat ul-Dawa. "They have diverted their whole network toward the relief operation."

Sunday, October 16, 2005

Pakistan: Helicopters from anywhere except India and Israel

AFP:

UN and Pakistani officials have desperately appealed for the world to send more helicopters to help out. During a visit to Muzaffarabad on Friday, Information Minister Sheikh Rashid said extra choppers were vital.

One option remains out of the question -- helicopters from Pakistan's neighbour and long-time foe India.

"There is a place with hundreds of helicopters that could easily bring food, blankets and tents, and that is in Indian
Kashmir," a senior aid official said on condition of anonymity, referring to the disputed Himalayan territory that is split between New Delhi's and Islamabad's control.

"But the first thing the Pakistanis told us after the earthquake was that they would take helicopters from anywhere except India and Israel."

In any case, the helicopters are vulnerable to the weather -- and that is about to turn for the worse.

Saturday, October 15, 2005

Unrest in Gilgit

Unrest in Gilgit: Mosques, imambargahs sealed

By Ibrahim Shahid

GILIGT: The Northern Areas administration has sealed the main imambargahs and mosques in Gilgit and arrested top Shia and Sunni leaders, following clashes between security forces and Shias in which 10 people have died.

Home Secretary Capt (r) Sardar Abbas said that the action was taken under the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) in view of the deteriorating security situation and that four Sunni and four Shia clerics had been arrested.

Police sources said that there was no violence in the city on Saturday as a curfew entered its third day. Iqbal Haider, general secretary of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, voiced concern on Saturday that the curfew was making it difficult for people to get food and fuel. The sources said that about 600 Shias from Nagar subdivision gathered at Haraspoo Dass and blocked the Karakoram Highway for several hours. They demanded immediate replacement of the Rangers in Gilgit, saying they were hostile to the Shia community and were not performing their duties impartially.

Pakistanis in Australia: Doctors' sons who became rapists

Doctors' sons who became rapists


They are the sons of a medical doctor and they are rapists. Lee Glendinning reports on two of four brothers found guilty of gang rape in attacks that upended the NSW legal system.

There was a moment when they nearly got away. Just before midnight a police van drove past East Hills railway station as the two girls walked along the road. The officers were finishing their shift but they turned the van around and stopped, thinking the girls might want a lift home. But the teenagers thanked them, said they were fine and walked on.

Waiting that night at the station for a black Nissan Skyline and a group of young men they had met the week before in George Street in the city, something made 17-year-old LS turn to 16-year-old HG and tell her to put the number 112 into her mobile phone memory. This was an emergency number, she said; it made you traceable.

Two hours later, after the pair had been taken to a house in Ashfield, they were attacked by four brothers and a friend. Forced into separate rooms, the girls were repeatedly raped at knife point, their attackers telling each that the other was dead.

It was the early hours of Sunday, July 28 last year and Sydney had been gripped for months by a series of trials of gang rapists in the south-western suburbs that had received widespread media coverage. Talkback radio had gone crazy over the expression "I'm going to f--- you Leb-style", the words one victim told the court were used during her assault.

Bilal Skaf's name was not yet known. He was a month from being sentenced to 55 years for his role in the gang rapes. But the workings of Skaf's mind had become etched into the public's imagination.

Brothers MSK, 25, and MAK, 23, knew all about the gang rapes, too. And that night, when they had finished with the girls, they warned against going to the police because they did not want what "happened in that other rape trial to happen to them". Later, once charged, they started to talk about the holes in Skaf's case, where Skaf went wrong. It would not happen to them, they said.

To these men, brotherhood was all. Nothing could come between fraternal bonds. It was more important than any perjury, any crime, any victim. They called wives and families as witnesses; court procedures meant nothing.

Bound by birth, culture and crime, each brother share the first name and surname. Only their middle names differ. The sons of a general practitioner, they came from Pakistan and lived in a house in Ashfield. It was here they took the school girls that night.

The two best friends were handed a Jim Beam and Coke. It was too strong. They did not like the taste. "Drink, drink!" MSK insisted. "Don't reject something when we give it to you." Another brother, MMK, told LS he was "horny" and asked if she would come to his room. She refused. MSK slapped her across the face with an open hand. She ran to the bathroom but MSK yelled "Get in the bedroom or I will kill you."

MRK walked into the room. LS grabbed him. This was the 17-year-old youth who was their friend, the one whom they knew better than the others. "Please help me. Help me get out," she begged. "Don't let this happen." He replied: "I am only new to the group. I can't tell them what to do. He's only drunk. Do what he says."

She ran to the window but it was barred. The oldest brother, MSK, walked into the room and forced her pants off. "I was screaming and crying and telling him not to do it but he just looked at me in the eye and started taking his pants off." He pushed LS into the corner of the bed and raped her three times.

MSK left and MAK walked into the room holding a knife. "Take off all your clothes or I'm going to kill you." He placed three gold bullets on the bedside table and then raped her.

HG had been forced into the other room when she tried to call 112. Another brother, MRK, grabbed the mobile. A call was recorded from her mobile at 2.18am.

MMK walked into the room and pushed HG to the floor. He flicked a cigarette lighter and ran it along a 20cm blade of a green-handled diving knife. "Look at this knife. If you don't do what I say, it will be in you." He forced her to perform oral sex and then raped her, telling her that her friend was dead.

Then RS, 25, entered the room and raped her. After, she closed her eyes. Somebody else came in and raped her. She was unable to say who. She no longer looked.

HG then walked into the loungeroom and RS offered her a cigarette. She stood in the centre of the room, crying, holding their belongings. The men forced the girls into the back of a car and dumped them in Campsie. As the car did a three-point turn, one of the men yelled: "You're just a slut." Later, the court would hear it was an incantation, something which absolved guilt or responsibility.

The girls ran down a street, but HG collapsed in pain. They hid in the bushes, scared the car might return. LS rang 000. "My friend and I have just been raped. We don't know where we are. I don't want them to come back. I don't want them to get us."

Fifteen minutes later, in the back of the ambulance, HG wailed: "Where is my dad? I just want my dad."

On Friday, October 24, MSK and MAK's trial began in court 3 of the Darlinghurst Criminal Court. A week earlier, their younger brothers, MRK and MMK, and RS had stood in the same court and were found guilty of nine counts each of aggravated sexual assault. The younger brothers had scratched their names into the wooden dock.

The four-week trial was to become the most trying in the long careers of Justice Brian Sully of the Supreme Court, prosecutor Margaret Cunneen and detectives working for Strike Force Westward investigating the gang rapes.

From the moment they were arraigned in March, MSK and MAK refused to be seated, throwing letters to the public gallery and raving about a police conspiracy. Over ensuing months, they sacked their barristers and began the mammoth task of mounting their own defence. Their brothers kept their legal counsel.

Around the Supreme Court, word got out about their antics and their numerous bail applications. It was Justice Sully who drew the short straw and, because two of the accused were unrepresented, he decided to split the trials and run them back-to-back. Exasperation built and he would say that it was a dark day when this matter came onto his list.

For weeks after the trial began, the possibility of reaching even an opening address grew increasingly remote.

First, MSK and MAK demanded six Muslim jurors. "They look at my name ... and I need six Muslim jurors in this trial, your honour, or I will be found guilty," MSK said. Then they asked for a trial by judge alone. This was refused by the Director of Public Prosecutions, Nicholas Cowdery. They were warned not to make political speeches to the jury, but four days into the trial, MSK screamed that the laws had been changed because they were Muslim.

Changes to the Criminal Procedures Act have stopped self-represented accused in a sexual assault trial from cross-examining complainants. They can use a court-appointed intermediary.

Justice Sully cautioned the brothers to reconsider and take legal assistance. The judge had representatives from the Muslim community talk with them, and arranged for legal aid. Even then, the brothers had to be cajoled into talking but refused offers of assistance.

The trial sometimes threatened to degenerate into a circus. The brothers rarely kept quiet or heeded the ordinary civilities, they had no legal training, and phoned Pakistan nightly for advice - intent on conspiracy theories. They interrupted proceedings with mindless raves and sometimes appeared deluded.

As evidence mounted, the brothers seemed to become more convinced of their innocence. MAK laughed constantly and became hysterical during routine questioning. His replies were an echo: "Same as my brother." MSK was angry and waved to quieten his sibling. He controlled the situation.

When police arrived at their Ashfield home with a search warrant, MSK fled over the back fence. He was fleeing again when police arrested him at Melbourne Airport on his way to Pakistan. He was, Cunneen said, a person who could not keep track of his own lies. The brothers' defence was that they were at another brother's Ashfield house the night of the rapes.

Justice Sully had heard it all before. In the trial of the other brothers, MMK said he was not there and had no involvement. MRK said, however, he was there when something happened but he was drunk and being sick outside.

MSK and MAK stood day after day, repeatedly consulting copies of the Justices Act and beseeching Justice Sully to look up sections of the Crimes Act. When they spoke to the bench, they bowed ostentatiously to the judge, whom they repeatedly called "your honourable your honour".

During the fasting month of Ramadan, MSK complained that his mind was not working properly. "I am feeling headache in my head because of fasting, your honour. I can't break my fast. I want a cup of tea but I can't have one ... so I cannot continue today."

And so it went, day after day. At times Justice Sully seemed to seethe. He reddened sometimes but continued to patiently and repeatedly instruct the brothers, even when their arguments kept the court open two hours past the 4pm daily adjournment. "Mr ..., I cannot stop you making statements like that. You can make them until the proverbial cows come home," Justice Sully said on one occasion. Later he sighed: "Mr ... I am not a social worker. I am not a psychiatrist. I am not an expert in race relations. I am just a judge."

The brothers also poked their tongues out at Cunneen. During one recess she said she was going for coffee and asked if anyone wanted one; the brothers chimed in with their orders.

While Cunneen has a deftly soft talent of drawing emotional and sensitive evidence from sexual assault victims, her cross-examination technique was blunt and brutal. The brothers knew its sting and refused, as was their right, to give evidence. However, they told the jury they could not give evidence because they were depressed, had no stamina and were in shock.

They did not call other brothers. Instead, they called a wife, a sister and sister-in-law and their father.

MSK's wife was their first witness. She never lied, she told the court. He was not fleeing to Pakistan when he was caught at Melbourne Airport but going there to help as their son needed an operation. She was living in Pakistan at the time.

His sister-in-law had her statutory declaration torn to shreds during cross-examination but she answered "I won't tell lies because Islam says Islam followers should never lie."

No family members would swear on the Koran. They instead chose to make an affirmation on the witness stand. Others had written statutory declarations and some, like MAK's girlfriend of two years, admitted they were ordered to write the documents, destroy all mobile phone chips and disconnect the phones.

She told the court: "He [MRK] told me I was his sister. Then he said they did do it. They did rape them. When I asked why, he said, 'Just for fun."'

The father of the accused, a GP, told the court he was at the Ashfield house the night the girls said they were raped and recalled turning in just before sunrise, having prayed on a mat in the corridor for much of the night.

He told the Herald repeatedly that his boys were innocent. He also spoke about Australian girls who should not be out at that time. "What do they expect to happen to them? Girls from Pakistan don't go out at night," he said.

The doctor may never see his sons outside jail again. He said his wife in Pakistan knew about the trials. " The boys talk to her once a week on the phone. She is sobbing, crying 'How could this happen?"'

And if his sons were guilty? "It is to go before Allah," he said. "We all have to stand before God in the end."

Friday, October 14, 2005

Bush wanted to go after Pakistan and Saudi Arabia

Bush Cited 2 Allies Over Arms, Book Says

WASHINGTON, Oct. 13 - Two months before the invasion of Iraq, President Bush told Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain that he "wanted to go beyond Iraq" in dealing with the spread of illicit weapons and mentioned Saudi Arabia and Pakistan on a list of countries posing particular problems, according to notes taken by one of Mr. Blair's advisers cited in a new book.

Mr. Bush's comment, in a private telephone conversation on Jan. 30, 2003, could be significant because it appeared to add Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to a list that previously had included public mentions only of Iraq, Iran and North Korea, which the president had called an "axis of evil."

Pakistan tested its first nuclear weapon in 1998, and the founder of its nuclear program, A. Q. Khan, has long been the subject of American concern over his role in providing nuclear technology to other countries. It has long been speculated that Saudi Arabia may also be seeking to acquire nuclear weapons, perhaps from Pakistan. But Saudi Arabia has denied having a nuclear weapons program. Neither country has been mentioned publicly by the Bush administration as possible targets of new efforts to counter weapons proliferation.

The notes taken by Mr. Rycroft do not provide any indication of what Mr. Bush meant by including Saudi Arabia and Pakistan on the list of concern over so-called weapons of mass destruction, a review of the contents shows. The reference is confined to one sentence in a two-page document, which says that Mr. Bush "wanted to go beyond Iraq in dealing with WMD proliferation, mentioning in particular Saudi Arabia, Iran, North Korea and Pakistan."

Thursday, October 13, 2005

Pakistan refusing Indian help because it would hurt their dignity

Out of the rubble, an opportunity


Then there's the opportunity. The hardest-hit region is Kashmir, a divided territory claimed by both Pakistan and India. Over the last 15 years, more than 65,000 people have died in fighting across the Line of Control that separates the Pakistani- and Indian-administered areas of the Himalayan region.
Despite ongoing tensions there, Indian-Pakistani relations are stronger today than at any time since the violent partition of the two countries in 1947. Yet the military government in Islamabad has so far been reluctant to seize the opportunity for even warmer relations offered by Indian offers of aid for earthquake victims on the Pakistani side of the divide.
The earthquake killed Indians as well, particularly in India's Jammu and Kashmir state. More than 1,300 are believed dead. Still, India has offered Pakistan everything from tents and mattresses to army helicopters. While Pakistan has accepted some of the aid, its military government is loath to accept anything from India they fear is substantial enough to undermine Pakistan's dignity and inflame nationalists and religious radicals.
In short, Pakistan has refused to accept desperately needed helicopters from India, citing political "sensitivities," even as huge numbers of Pakistanis in remote areas of the country wait for help and rescuers race the clock to provide it. America, grateful for Musharraf's support in its campaign against terrorism, has stepped into the breach with eight U.S. helicopters. But the Pakistani military is missing the chance to welcome cooperation across one of the world's most dangerous frontiers.
Of course, the Pakistani military knows that, if it allows Indian troops to cross the Line of Control to provide relief, there is a risk they might provide the bulk of their supplies to Indians living inside Pakistani-controlled territory. If so, Musharraf would face sharp criticism from across his country - and even from within the Pakistani military itself. Still, given the scale of the devastation and Islamabad's inability to cope with it, the risk might be worth taking.
EDITORIAL: Earthquake: ‘images’ and reality

Meanwhile, the government itself is not sure if it can accept India’s help for fear of losing its image further. This is certainly a defensive reaction to what its opponents are getting to ready to do. There is bureaucratic nitpicking in the decision not to let Indian rescue personnel enter our areas of disaster, especially Azad Kashmir, which is disputed with India! It is again the imagery that the government dreads. Imagine an Indian soldier, who has been killing Kashmiri Muslims, pulling our women and children out of collapsed homes! But such thinking cannot be achieved without forgetting the fact that every time the British rescuers pulled victims out of the Margalla Towers wreck, the people standing around clapped and raised the cry of “Allah Akbar”!

The biggest irony to follow our reluctance to accept the Indian offer came in the shape of the statement of the leader of Kashmir’s victims. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, the chairperson of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), made a tearful appeal to India and Pakistan “not to let politics interfere with helping earthquake victims in the disputed region, and urged them to launch joint relief efforts”. He added, “This tragedy has not respected the ceasefire line. We have seen that both India and Pakistan have been hesitant in accepting each other’s relief. Let’s not play politics over this”.

Border stand-off blocking aid

Dan McDougall in Uri
Thursday October 13, 2005


Indian military rescue teams expressed anger last night at being forced to watch helplessly from the other side of the border as tens of thousands of Pakistanis fought for their lives only miles from their positions along the Kashmiri line of control.

In the Indian border town of Uri, which lies two miles from the isolated Pakistani town of Bagh, Indian air force pilots could only look on as thousands of their fellow Kashmiris suffered without assistance. One air force navigator described the situation in Bagh and neighbouring towns along the border as desperate.

"We know they are cut off and their geographical position on the Pakistani side means that aid is still not getting through to them. It's gut wrenching, you can almost reach out and touch them," he said.

"But as things stand we can only fly along the border and look down the valley. Bagh is barely four kilometres from Uri where Indian aid is starting to arrive in trucks and military transporters but none of this desperately needed aid can be pushed on over the border. It is a terrible situation. As a human being you want to help those fighting for their lives within sight of you, but it is impossible."

An Indian army colonel, Hemant Juneja, admitted that his rescue teams were frustrated. "Some of the worst affected areas in Pakistan are within touching distance for us and we can't do anything about it," he said. "It would make sense for us to move aid over the border from here but it is unlikely to happen."

Wednesday, October 12, 2005

Boeing offering India Apaches and F-18s.

Boeing team to promote whole range of defence systems

HUMA SIDDIQUI

NEW DELHI, OCT 11: The Boeing team visiting India later this week will bring to the table AH-64D helicopters, along with the F-18s on which talks are already on. The mission is expected to also discuss unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) X-45A and P-8A for the Indian Navy, on which the US-based defence aircraft manufacturer recently carried out tests.

According to highly placed sources, the Boeing team that is expected to be here on Thursday will be making presentations to the government on several other defence systems other than civil and military aircraft.

The Indian Navy has expressed interest in Boeing-737 P-8A multi-mission maritime aircraft — the aircraft that Boeing is developing to replace the ageing P-3C Orion platform.

Sources said that this interest has already been communicated to a high-level team from Defence Security Cooperation Group (DSCG) chief Lt Gen Jeffrey B Kohler, that was recently in India.

The P-8A is perhaps one of the systems that India has expressed interest in which even the US does not have yet and, according to officials, will be fully operational and delivered to the US Navy only by 2013.

In fact, the P-8A was cleared by a US technical review board to proceed into the design phase very recently.

The P-8A matches the operational profile jointly mandated to the Indian Navy’s Russian Tupolev-142 long-range reconnaissance planes and IL-38 maritime patrol and anti-submarine warfare aircraft.

Washington’s offer for at least 12 P-3C Orions would match the same profile, though the P-8A will have superior intelligence-gathering equipment and ASW capabilities.

According to sources, the recent clearance by the Indian government to buy civilian aircraft from Boeing worth over $6 billion could perhaps get a favourable response.

Monday, October 10, 2005

Afghanistan: Pakistani, 2 Chinese insurgents killed by US forces

Pakistani, 2 Chinese insurgents killed by US forces

* 6 dead in Kandahar suicide bombing

Staff Report


KABUL: Five militants including one Pakistani and two Chinese nationals were killed in fresh anti-insurgency operations in Afghanistan’s troubled southern zone, where another six people perished in separate bomb explosions on Monday.

Afghan and US forces shot dead three foreign Taliban insurgents and captured 10 others in a sweep through the Zabul province, said Wazir Mohammad, administrative chief of Shinkay district. Two Taliban fighters were killed and five others wounded in a crackdown jointly carried out by Afghan and coalition forces. Gen Mohammad Sarwar, deputy commander of the Kandahar Military Corps, said the sweep was conducted in Maroof district. Security forces suffered no casualties in the operation, Gen Sarwar said, adding the dead bodies of the combatants were still lying in fields. The 10 detainees were being grilled, he said.

Meanwhile, two suicide explosions in Kandahar killed six people and wounded eight on Monday, officials said.

According to officials, a suicide bomber blew himself up in the city centre, killing a senior anti-Taliban commander and three others. Eight people were also hurt in the blast which was followed by a second explosion in which a suicide bomber died on the road leading to the airport when the bomb strapped to his body exploded prematurely, said Kandahar governor Assadullah Kahlid. There were no other casualties, he said.

“Both incidents were the work of Taliban and Al Qaeda suicide bombers,” Khalid said. Among those killed in the first blast was a former senior factional commander, Agha Shah, Kandahar police chief Colonel Mohammad Hakim said. “At least four people, including Agha Shah, lost their lives in the explosion,” Hakim said.

Body parts from the victims of the first explosion were strewn on the dusty road outside Shah’s house in a crowded area of Kandahar. Shah was among local commanders who helped US-led forces to overthrow the Taliban government in 2001. A Taliban commander, who identified himself as Sabir Momin, claimed responsibility for the first incident.

REUTERS ADDS: A US military helicopter crashed during an anti-militant operation in Afghanistan, but although the aircraft was a write-off there were no casualties, an American military spokesperson said on Monday. Separately, one US soldier was killed and another wounded during an attack by militants in the southern province of Zabul on Sunday, a military statement said. An engine malfunction caused of the MH-47 helicopter to crash in the eastern province of Kunar on Thursday, said Tyler Foster, a US military public affairs officer. “The aircraft was returning from dropping troops during an offensive operation,” he said, adding that none of the crew were hurt.

Foster did not confirm recent media reports quoting a U.S. official in the United States saying Taliban militants had shot down the Chinook. At the time the Taliban claimed to have shot it down. Foster said an investigation was continuing to determine the cause of the crash.

Saturday, October 08, 2005

Calling an Ahmediya place of worship a mosque is a crime?

EDITORIAL: The ‘foreign hand’ again!

In the case of the Mandi Bahauddin attack, the slain and the injured belonged to the Ahmadiyya community. The place where they were praying, since 1974 when the community was declared non-Muslim, cannot be called a mosque under law. Bait-ul Zikr (the house of prayers) is how it is referred to if the Ahmadiyya do not want to get into trouble.

Some tell Dawn..

Terrorism strikes again

ONCE again a place of worship has been attacked in Pakistan, it being of no consequence what religion or sect the dead and wounded belonged to. The dastardly act occurred at Mong near Mandi Bahauddin yesterday at a mosque where firing by unknown gunmen left eight people dead and 14 injured.

Friday, October 07, 2005

UK IT centre run by Pakistanis funded London bombings?

Manager denies Government money went to Pakistan following Learndirect raids

Rob Waugh, Chris Benfield and Kate O'Hara
POLICE are investigating whether money from a publicly-funded training centre was used to support the activities of the July 7 suicide bombers, the Yorkshire Post can reveal.
The IT2 Home centre in Darnall, Sheffield, has received in the region of £500,000 from the Government-backed Learndirect scheme in the last academic year and detectives are looking into whether any of the centre's money had been transferred to Pakistan to support the terrorists who carried out the bombings in London.
It is understood the inquiry could revolve around a substantial amount of money allegedly paid to a charity in Pakistan.
A source at Scotland Yard told the Yorkshire Post: "One of the lines of inquiry we are looking at is the possibility that money (from the Sheffield training centre) has gone to Pakistan that may have supported the activities of the bombers."
A substantial amount of computer equipment was seized during searches of IT2 Home and its sister organisation, Idoo PC, in Beeston, Leeds, last month but no arrests have been made.
The University for Industry, which authorised the public funding for IT2 Home, suspended funding for the centre immediately following the raid and has halted all Learndirect courses pending the inquiry's outcome.
However, Amar Mahmood, manager and former director of the Sheffield centre, hotly denied any money had gone to Pakistan and was angry at the suggestion.
"No money has gone from this centre to Pakistan," he said. "I can guarantee no money has gone out of our accounts to Pakistan."
Mr Mahmood also said he did not know any of the bombers and neither did any of the staff at the Sheffield centre.
The Metropolitan Police have declined to officially comment on the reasons for executing search warrants at IT2 Home and Idoo PC, which formerly provided publicly-funded computer training but is now a computer sales, maintenance and supplies outlet.
In the last academic year, August 2004 to July 2005, IT2 Home enrolled 955 learners on a total of 4,864 courses. As well as offering computer training, it also acts as a community resource for the largely Muslim Asian local population, providing easy access to the internet and email.
It can also be revealed that Idoo PC is currently the subject of a separate police inquiry into alleged financial irregularities. In October 2003 the Learning Skills Council, which was then responsible for funding Learndirect courses, referred Idoo PC (then also known as IT2 Home) to West Yorkshire police following an internal inquiry.
A West Yorkshire Police spokeswoman confirmed this inquiry was ongoing but said it was unconnected to Operation Thesis, the suicide bombing inquiry.
Imran Bham, the manager of Idoo PC has not responded to requests to comment when approached by the Yorkshire Post.
Learndirect is a network of more than 2,000 online learning centres used by almost two million people over the last five years. It is funded by the Department for Education and Skills and run by the University for Industry, based in Sheffield.
Learndirect severed connections with the Leeds centre after the alleged irregularities were uncovered and had also requested that local 'hub' funding distributors took steps to ensure the owners and directors had no connections with the Leeds centre.
However, Mr Mahmood is Mr Bham's brother-in-law, and Mr Bham's wife, India Honeyball and his brother Mohammed Yusuf Bham, are secretary and a director of the Sheffield centre.
A UFI spokeswoman said it had been assured that all connections between the Leeds centre and the Sheffield centre had been severed and that hubs had taken reasonable steps to ensure the new owners/ directors of the Sheffield centre were not connected to the Leeds centre.
She added: "All Learndirect centres were put out to tender earlier this year. We were not aware of any family connections between these centres at the point when the hub re-contracted with them."
The attacks on July 7 killed 52 people. The bombers, Shehzad Tanweer, of Beeston, Leeds, Mohammad Sidique Khan, who moved from Beeston, Leeds, to Dewsbury, Hasib Hussain from Holbeck, Leeds, and Jermaine Lindsay from Huddersfield, who had recently moved to Aylesbury, all died in the rush hour attacks.
rob.waugh@ypn.co.uk

Thursday, October 06, 2005

Khaled Ahmed's review of Husain Haqqani’s book ‘Pakistan: between Mosque and Military’.

From The Friday Times

Mosque, military and textbook nationalism

Husain Haqqani in his book Pakistan: between Mosque and Military (Vanguard Books) has not delved into the textbook controversy in Pakistan, but, reading the Pakistani textbooks, one is compelled to draw the conclusion that the paramountcy of the army in Pakistan cannot be removed unless the textbook nationalism of Pakistan is altered. Agreeing with Haqqani’s basic thesis of India-centricism of this indoctrination, one has to take note of the almost universal resistance in Pakistan to any changes in the anti-India curriculum fashioned in Islamabad. In the post-2000 period most of the attempts made by the Musharraf government to detoxify the textbooks have failed. This move was aimed at eliminating two elements in the books: the anti-India (strategic depth) reference and its corollary, the reference to Islam (internal fusion of identities in order to face India effectively).

The ruling party PML was subliminally distressed by the task. The PML (Nawaz) was vehemently opposed to taking out the ideology from the books. The religious parties came out in the streets till the project was laid aside. Anti-Indianism necessitates the dominance of the army and the army needs Islamisation to secure its back as it faces India. The opposition in Pakistan wants the army out of power but wants to retain the textbook nationalism, a policy that contains two mutually destructive passions. The only party capable of grasping the importance of altering the nature of Pakistan’s nationalism – the PPP - is humbled by the brainwash of the Punjabi vote-bank in favour of this nationalism.

Nawaz Sharif, the Jamaat and the ISI: Haqqani reveals that after Nawaz Sharif got the divided mujahideen to agree to an interim government after the fall of the Najibullah regime in Kabul, Pakistani army helicopters actually flew Hekmatyar and his men to a place outside Kabul so that he could take over as a member of the mujahideen cabinet. Pressured by the ISI and his IJI cohort, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Nawaz Sharif had toed the line on Hekmatyar, but he was becoming aware that Hekmatyar had no support among even the Pushtun mujahideen. During his first tenure he did try to ‘balance’ the Afghan policy, but the cumulative pull of the ISI and Jamaat Islami on his vote-bank was too strong for him to resist. In 1993 after the Nawaz Sharif government was ousted from power and Ms Bhutto once again returned to rule Pakistan, the establishment was still rolling with its old momentum. Even the intelligence agencies under her were divided. Hameed Gul ‘cells’ existed in the ISI and the ‘professional’ army chief continued to feel weak and besieged by the ghostof General Zia.

Ms Bhutto was even more vulnerable to the pressures the military put on her with regard to the Kashmir policy, which was clearly falling apart in the mid-1990s, with the US declaring the big operator in Held Kashmir – the Harkatul Ansar militia – a terrorist organisation. The new ISI chief General Javed Ashraf Qazi told the Americans he knew nothing about the banned Harkatul Ansar and therefore could not arrest any of the Harkat leaders. The banned militia resurfaced as Harkatul Mujahideen, which was to become the most dreaded military arm of Al Qaeda in the days to come. The generals thought as one on Kashmir and India. This is one thesis on which Haqqani cannot be faulted: from Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan to Ziaul Haq, Jehangir Karamat and Musharraf, Islamist and non-Islamist generals alike, were unwilling to help a prime minister shift away from an India-centric worldview. Nawaz Sharif and Ms Bhutto were both blackmailed into pretending to advance the Kashmir policy and actually use it as a plank during election campaigns. It is moot if the weak ‘professional’ army chiefs too were similarly blackmailed.

Post-Zia reality of weak PM and weak army chief: The second PPP tenure also saw the Hamid Gul ‘cell’ type of rogue military officers masterminding a takeover which would be politically fronted by philanthropists like Abdus Sattar Edhi and Imran Khan. (Haqqani doesn’t mention Imran and is skimpy on detail.) This was followed by an actual attempt at an overthrow in 1995 led by a major general who was ‘allegedly’ patronised by the ex-ISI chief General Javed Nasir of the Tablighi Jamaat. A ‘weak’ army chief was also to be targeted by the coup-plotters together with Ms Bhutto and her government. Was the next ‘weak’ (professional) army chief General Jehangir Karamat able to punish the coup-plotters? Evidence is that he avoided confronting the ‘strong’ elements within the army whom a more thoroughgoing ‘correction’ would have offended.

General Javed Nasir kept snubbing the weak army chief even after he was ousted from the ISI. Haqqani reveals that he authorised the 1993 attack, through Indian underworld figure Daud Ibrahim, on the Bombay Stock Exchange, which killed 250 as a revenge for the destruction of Babri Masjid by Hindu fanatics. That was the year that Javed Nasir was prematurely retired from the ISI, only to be given a more important ‘India-related’ job in the Evacuee Property Trust in Lahore regulating the Sikh properties in Pakistan and therefore the traffic of Sikhs to their shrines. Who gave him the job? Javed Nasir’s list of ‘enemies of Islam’ at the ISI included ‘the United States, Hindu leadership of India and the Zionists’. Musharraf fired him from his Lahore job also in 2002. His pro-Kargil Operation articles in the press, written in the low-IQ but highly spiritually uplifting style of Hamid Gul, did not save him in the end.

Kashmir first, Pakistan second: When Nawaz Sharif came to power for the first time (1990-1993) he was steamrollered into pushing the Kashmir policy. Despite foreign secretary Shaharyar Khan’s reasoned argument that Kashmir could not be won through jihadi militias, he inclined in favour of the ISI making the clandestine Kashmir policy more clandestine in the face of rising American objections. The covert policy swing out of control under Ms Bhutto in 1993 as Mast Gul, a Jamaat Islami hero of Charar Sharif, was paraded in the streets of Pakistan by the ISI against her wishes, during which Mast Gul condemned her government! She appealed to the US to come to her help ‘against militancy and terrorism’ but the truth is that militancy and terrorism were emanating from the military and the American routine was to support whoever was powerful so as not to ‘go against the people of Pakistan’.

Haqqani narrates the story of how in 1998 Nawaz Sharif was compelled to mend fences with Lashkar-e-Tayba in Muridke near Lahore when Governor Punjab and federal information minister called on its leader and praised him and his terrorist forays into India. He doesn’t mention it but the fact is that Mushahid Hussain - ‘the other fixer’ - had gone to Muridke to apologise to Hafiz Saeed on behalf of the prime minister for inadequate past support. He also mentions the October 2001 attack by Jaish Muhammad on the Kashmir assembly in Srinagar. It first owned it, but later denied it. Then in December the same year Lashkar-e-Tayba attacked the Indian parliament, bringing the Indian army eyeball-to-eyeball with the Pakistan army on the borders. Musharraf arrested Hafiz Saeed but let him go after keeping him in safe custody for some time.

Take Afghanistan, give Kashmir: He says the ISI handed the jihadis a ‘severance pay’ to ask them to quit jihad because its heat was too much to bear for Islamabad. When it arrested their leaders, it usually let them go after some time. There is reference to Fazlur Rehman Khaleel of Harkatul Mujahideen who has been the subject of an extremely special treatment by the ISI during times when other jihadi leaders were on the run. Khaleel was the logistics man of Osama bin Laden and had co-signed the 1998 fatwa of death against the Americans with Osama bin Laden. He was in the camp when the Americans unsuccessfully targeted Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan after the Al Qaeda bombing of USS Cole. The recent confession of Hamid Hayat in the United States - that he took terrorist training in one of Khaleel’s camps in 2003 - has further exposed Khaleel and called in question Musharraf’s declared policy against the jihadis.

Haqqani’s chapter on Musharraf is the mainstay of his book. He quotes him in 2004 to prove that Musharraf ‘sacrificed Afghanistan’ to retain hold over Pakistan’s nuclear weapons capability and the claim to Kashmir. This means that a major political obstacle complicating the role of the political parties in Pakistan has been eliminated. The prime ministers will no longer have to genuflect to the militias and their leaders because they were fighting the army’s proxy war in Afghanistan. But how could the retention of the Kashmir policy, and thus the India policy, remove the steel-ball of military domination from the ankle of Pakistan’s democracy? Wouldn’t the militias and their dreaded leaders make a comeback as a part of the ‘Kashmir option’? Musharraf says he knows what is possible to do in Pakistan and what must be postponed till the odds become less adverse (not quoted by Haqqani); but this period of ambivalence is costing him his credibility, in India as well as, more importantly, in the United States.

Ideology is the sticking point: What about the mosque-and-military thesis? Is Musharraf really personally committed to loosen the clerical noose the military has tightened around the neck of Pakistan? Not if he retains his old India policy and the proxy war option that Pakistan army has taken so well to heart. Haqqani notes that General Javed Hassan of the Kargil Operation fame - whose book personified the Indian state as ‘presumptuous, persistent and devious Hindu’ – was till late his close partner in power. (He now heads Lahore’s Administrative Staff College after a stint earlier as head of the National Defence College in Islamabad.) More ironically, even though his feud with the ‘pro-Afghan jihad’ religious parties appears to be no put-on show, he has to live down the fact that in the ‘pre-rigged’ election of 2002, the MMA got 20 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. In the PML ruling party today there are holdovers from the old ISI-moulded political order who openly contradict Musharraf’s pronouncements on enlightenment and moderation and will not allow reforms in madrassas and the national syllabus.

What came first, the army-sponsored India policy or army-sponsored Islamic extremism? Haqqani ends the book with a well-argued concluding chapter proving that it was the India-centrism of Pakistan that finally brought it to Islamic extremism. The myth of India not accepting Pakistan and India attacking Pakistan was perpetuated beyond the actual contours of early threat and continue to be mouthed even after the acquisition of nuclear deterrence by Pakistan. Is it a kind of an ‘anticipatory’ argument to conceal the Pakistan army’s intent on attacking India? And Pakistan ideology? It is the army’s answer to its fear that some communities within Pakistan might not show the same level of commitment to the India policy decided by the army. Haqqani says normalisation of relations with India is the only available solvent to what the military has done to Pakistan. But has Musharraf shown evidence of changing the ideological orientation that stands in the way of this normalisation. Haqqani doesn’t think so.

Part three of the three-part review article on Husain Haqqani’s book ‘Pakistan: between Mosque and Military’.

Monday, October 03, 2005

Pakistani army operations in tribal areas and Pushtoonistan

Army operations and Pushtoonistan

By Sarfaraz Ahmed

Though the Pakistan government’s focus on South and North Waziristan and the army-led operations against the militants hiding there are apparently aimed at targeting Al-Qaeda activists and Taliban remnants, the continuing upheavals in those areas however are fraught with serious dangers for the Establishment. The main danger of following the present policy viz a viz North and South Waziristan is that the Pushtoonistan issue may once more flare to the disadvantage of Pakistan. The issue of Pushtoonistan, which was relegated to the background by Afghan governments until it was revived by Daoud Khan after he forced King Zahir Shah into exile in 1973 although he later tried to play down this “counter-productive” issue and improve relations with Pakistan as well as Iran and the Western countries. Since the ouster of last communist regime of Dr Najibullah and during the rule or misrule of Mujahideen and Taliban, Pakistan had been able to orchestrate and implement quite successfully its Afghan policy to safeguard its interests viz a viz Pushtoonistan issue in particular.

The current intensity in the army offensive in the tribal belt with consequent death toll can inject a new and timely lease of life among those who are alreading demanding in Pakistan the formation of “Afghania” or “Pukhtoonistan”—-an ethnic Pushtoon province which also comprises some areas of Balochistan, including Quetta. In the case of Quetta, a cold-war has been brewing between a large number of Baloch and Pushtoon nationalists for quite some time because of a dispute over Balochistan capital and its surroundings. The present army operations in North and South Waziristan may arguably be viewed by a number of Pushtoon as an act of ethnic cleansing. They could derive their argument from the “collateral damage” that often takes place during such situations. The Taliban, a purely Pushtoon outfit, that began its successful armed struggle in 1994 and controlled about 85 per cent of Afghanistan till its fall in 2001, could resort to “Pushtoon card” in order to improve its prospects in its ongoing battles with the US troops and broaden its support not among the Pakistann’s Pushtoon population but also among a large number of Afghan refugees who are still required to be repatriated. The outcome of its expected move could may earn its some dividends. But the scope of such a move however looks limited because of three broad reasons:

Firstly, Pukhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party, the most important ethnic Pushtoon group that has been struggling for the past many years for the formation of Pukhtoonkhwa province in Pakistan is headed by a Durrani Pushtoon: Mahmood Khan Achakzai. His party had assembled tens of thousands of his partymen in Quetta after the ouster of Taliban to demand the formation of a Kabul government under Zahir Shah, a Durrani. Though Zahir Shah is not heading or included in the government, Hamid Karazi also belongs to the same Durrani (formerly Abdali) tribe. Secondly, there exists an old historical Durrani-Ghilzai rivalry while the Taliban are led by Ghilzais, who include Mullah Omar. Thirdly, the Awami National Party of Khan Abdul Wali Khan was always friendly with the communist governments, though these were predominantly led by Ghilzai Pushtoon.

When the death toll in Pakistan’s tribal areas continue to swell with every passing day, the year 2005 has seen a surge in the Afghanistan’s troubled south and east and roadside bomb attacks of the type seen in Iraq have become an almost daily occurrence. According to officials estimates, more than 1,000 people, most of them Taliban, have died so far this year. The dead include more than 50 US troops killed in combat, the bloodiest period so far for the US forces in Afghanistan.

Tribal areas and the complexities that are associated with them are a legacy that the British India has bequeathed for Pakistan. The Durand Line, which was laid down in 1893, brought the tribes living in the tribal belt within the British sphere of influence or under a vague British suzerainty, with the Raj exercising only the most tenous control over it. The continuing formidable resistance the Pakistan army is facing amply explains why the tribal belt escaped subjection to any external power and why a tribal form of society persisted there.

Parashotam Mehra, who is among researchers known for objectively explaining the tribal areas’ location between the two boundaries—an internal boundary, marking the end of direct British administration; and an external boundary, the Durand Line, in his book “The North-West Frontier Drama 1945-1947”, has writes:

“...on 2 September 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru had been sworn in as head of the interim government. His portfolio as Member for External Affairs and Commonwealth Relations included tribal affairs as well. Which, at the provincial level, was the responsibility of the governor. Not long after assuming office, and in the wake of some aerial bombing, Nehru undertook the tour of the tribal area. This in the face of Caroe’s [Governor Sir Olaf Caroe] explicit advice to the contrary as well as that tof Wavell and Gandhi. In the event, he was exposed not just to hostile demonstrations but an almost fatal assault ...”

The inflow of Afghan refugees in Pakistan began in 70s, or in order to be more specific, since 1973 when Afghan king Zahir Shah was forced into exile by his cousin Daud Khan. But the initial arrivals of refugees or often called by Western writers as “Islamist exiles” included those who had landed in Pakistan more for their life than any other reason as they were involved in a failed coup against Daoud. And these refugees included Ahmed Shah Masoud, Gulbudin Hikmatyar and Burhanuddin Rabbani, who were later known as Mujahideen leaders across the world. The Islamists’ arrival therefore proved to be a golden opportunity for Pakistan and it was during these days when then prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto set up an “Afghan Cell”. These Islamist exiles were considered as an effective tool to counter any Pushtoonistan pressure.

Among all the noteable Islamist exiles or refugees of the 70s included Abdul Rasool Sayyaf, a Ghilzai Pushtoon, whose party was one of Seven Peshwar Mujahideen group fighting against the communist rule, is perhaps the only active actor on the present political map of Afghanistan. Sayyaf who became the main conduit for Mujahideen for getting Saudi military and economic assistance during Jihad, is said to be running fourth in the country’s parliamentary elections results.

In order to safeguard its own interests, it is therefore imperative for Pakistan to exercise extreme caution as far as its approach towards North and South Waziristan is concerned. It must not venture into this battle to the extent where it alienates the majority, if not entire, population of Pushtoon as historical evidence shows that this border or Durand Line is a porous frontier which could enable the Pushtoon living on both sides of this line to once again speed up their efforts towards the formation of Pushtoonistan.

Sunday, October 02, 2005

AQ Khan being kept in total isolation

AQ Khan being kept in total isolation, claims US magazine

By Khalid Hasan

WASHINGTON: Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, claims a15,000-word article in a forthcoming issue of the US magazine Atlantic Monthly, is living in isolation with his European wife, surrounded by guards and security agents, cut off from contact with the outside world, not allowed to read the newspapers or watch television, let alone to use the telephone or the Internet, and held beyond the reach of even the intelligence services of the United States.

The article, the first of two by writer William Langewiesche, which is entitled ‘The Wrath of Khan’, states that Dr Khan is seen as the nation’s saviour and it is “necessary to recognise that his largesse (to others) was not merely a matter of self-aggrandisement. He has been portrayed in the West as a twisted character, an evil scientist, a purveyor of death. He had certainly lost perspective on himself. But the truth is that he was a good husband and father and friend, and he gave large gifts because in essence he was an openhearted and charitable man.”

The article calls Dr Khan “an enigma”. He is said to have “aged considerably, and has lost weight and sickened, but apparently he is not being poisoned.” He has high blood pressure and is also “deeply despondent,” convinced that he served his nation honourably, and that even as he transferred its nuclear secrets to other countries, “he was acting on behalf of Pakistan, and with the complicity of its military rulers.” He sleeps poorly at night. Last spring he managed to slip a note out to one of his former lieutenants. It was a scribbled lament in which he asked about General Musharraf, “Why is this boy doing this to me?”

The writer says that journalist Zahid Malik, “who for years praised Khan in public, and published an adoring biography of him in 1992,” told him recently that Khan’s arrest was necessary. Malik also emphasised his loyalty to the military regime. He said, “After 9/11 Pakistan has emerged as a trusted and responsible ally of the West. Pakistan has adopted a principled position, you see, of working against terrorism, extremism, Al-Qaeda, and all that. When Pakistan came to know of certain complaints, Pakistan reacted, you see, and very forcefully. Because as President Musharraf has been saying, and rightly so, whatever Dr Khan did was his personal act.”

Asked what he knew about the formal basis for Khan’s continuing detention, he replied, “The government says it is because of his security. His own safety.” When asked if he agreed, Malik replied “almost eagerly,” “I think so, I think so.” The writer adds sardonically, “It pays in Pakistan to be politically realistic.” The article chronicles Dr Khan’s boyhood and early life, his migration to Pakistan, his education in Karachi and his travel to Europe for higher education. The 1971 defeat of Pakistan traumatised Dr Khan and after the Indian nuclear explosion in 1974, he wrote to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto presenting his credentials and volunteering to help. Bhutto responded through the embassy in The Hague. When he travelled to Karachi in December 1974, he was received by Bhutto and at their meeting, Khan argued for a Pakistani effort to enrich uranium - a route to the bomb that, he assured Bhutto, would be faster than Munir Ahmed Khan’s pursuit of plutonium reprocessing, then under way. “Even before the go-ahead from Bhutto, he had gotten to work. For 16 fruitful days in the fall of 1974 he had stayed in Almelo on a special assignment to URENCO, where he had helped with the translation of secret centrifuge plans from German into Dutch, and in his spare time had walked freely through the buildings, taking copious notes - in Urdu. Some of the places he had visited were nominally off limits to him, but not once had he been challenged. A few people had asked him what his notes were about, and he had answered, half truthfully, that he was writing letters home.”

The article details how Dr Khan managed to enrich uranium that finally made Pakistan the bomb it wanted. While American controls were hard to beat, Dr Khan obtained what Pakistan needed through an intricate network in Europe. As early as 1978, Dr Khan may have had a prototype centrifuge running. Three years later, in 1981, the production plant at Kahuta was ready to start up. There were difficulties with balancing the centrifuges, but by 1982 the plant achieved the first weapons-grade uranium, enriched to 90 percent or more. By 1984 it was producing enough fissionable material to build several bombs a year. “Nor had Khan neglected the need for a warhead: his was an implosion device, based on a simple Chinese design, with an enriched-uranium core the size of a soccer ball surrounded by a symmetrical array of high explosives wired to a high-voltage switch to be triggered all at once. Soon he was going to work on a missile, too.”

By 1986 Pakistan had “crossed the threshold” and was able to fabricate several nuclear devices.

The magazine reports that in the face of increasing export controls in the 1990s, Khan expanded his global procurement network and took it largely underground. At Kahuta, he continued to improve the centrifuge plant, to tweak the laboratory’s warhead designs, and to develop an alternative ballistic missile to one being built by the PAEC. He also led the laboratory into the design and manufacture of a variety of conventional weapons, including surface-to-air missiles, anti-tank weapons, multi-barrel rocket launchers, laser range-finders, laser sights, reactive armour, minesweeping charges, and armour-piercing tank rounds. On the civilian side, Kahuta launched into the manufacture of electronic circuits, industrial switches and power supplies, and compressors for window-mounted air-conditioners. In 1992 it even established a Biomedical and Genetic-Engineering Division.

After the Indian nuclear test of 1998, Pakistan found itself in a bind because it was being warned of the consequences it would suffer if it followed the Indian example. But because of public pressure and Indian threats, such as a statement from Advani and sarcastic comments in the Indian media, prime minister Nawaz Sharif wanted to go ahead. After the explosion, Dr Khan Began to face serious trouble because of old rivalries with the scientists of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. It was the Commission that had been given the control of the Chagai test.

The article concludes, “Pakistan had its bomb, and it was a good thing, but the utility of Khan was almost over. He was a genuine patriot, much to be admired, but too strong for anyone’s good anymore. If he had become a monster, as some said, then some in the government and the army were implicated too. Was he out of control? For the moment he just needed to be reined in, and reminded that he was just one among a number of important men. Khan’s activities were if anything about to expand. But it was only 1998, and there was no thought yet that he would have to be destroyed.”