Monday, February 28, 2005

Former director general of the ISI says the tsunami was caused by allah

Tsunami: the calamity from Allah

LT. GEN. (RETD) JAVED NASIR
Allah had drowned all human beings in the world except for those who were in Noahs’ Ark, as given in the Old Testament, the Bible and the Quran.
Possibly by successive tsunamis to give human race a second start after Adam (AS). Epicenter of the recent tsunami was 216 kms from the nearest coastline of Sumatra and 9.6 km below the sea level.
The pressure wave created in all directions was stronger than the shock wave created by collective explosion of thousands of nuclear bombs. The sea water wall lifted was over 100 feet above the sea level and moved in all directions with initial velocity of nearly 800 kmh.
The coastline was struck by this sea wall at speeds varying from 100-200 kmh backed by cumulative force of billions of tons and raised to the ground every structure that came its way. On the sea itself even the African coast was hit at distance of 6000 kms from the epicenter. The ravine created in the sea bed runs for over 100 kms in length. So great was the force that some Indonesian islands have been geographically moved 50-60 meters in their locations. Tsunamis have occurred four times in the recorded history of last 1000 years.
What non Muslims do not understand and even very few Muslims comprehend that tsunamis are calamity from Allah — a warning to the entire man kind that Allah can destroy the entire World in a few minutes. Mr Clinton, the ex President and a Christian priest during Larry King’s TV programme called this tsunami a punishment from God because people are living very sinful life.
Instead of taking any lessons from this calamity of Allah and warning the people to adopt a lifestyle in accordance with the commandments of Allah and ways and tradition of Muhammad (PBUH), President Musharraf has encouraged celebration of totally un-Islamic Hindu Festival Basant under the cover of Jashan-e-Baharan by participating in it personally.
The open service of alcoholic drinks, honoring of singing and dancing girls, the wastage of billions of rupees are all the evils quoted in the Hadees to invoke Allah’s wrath. The narrow streets and lanes in the walled city of Lahore were overcrowded with the uniformed and civilian members of the security forces for the protection of the VIPs.
Unfortunately these could not prevent 22 fatal and 500 other casualties according to the newspapers Allah says in the Quran that He appoints the rulers. We as Muslims all believe that Allah appointed General Musharraf as our ruler. About those whom Allah makes the rulers in this world, He says “those whom I establish in the land as rulers will establish salat (Namaz) obligatory charity (Zakat) and enjoin good and avoid evil forbidding others (preaching) (Al Quran 22:41). As Muslims it is part of our Imam that after death Allah will raise us all on the day of Hashar.

More Dutch Plan to Emigrate as Muslim Influx Tips Scales

More Dutch Plan to Emigrate as Muslim Influx Tips Scales

By MARLISE SIMONS

AMSTERDAM - Paul Hiltemann had already noticed a darkening mood in the Netherlands. He runs an agency for people wanting to emigrate and his client list had surged.

But he was still taken aback in November when a Dutch filmmaker was shot and his throat was slit, execution style, on an Amsterdam street.

In the weeks that followed, Mr. Hiltemann was inundated by e-mail messages and telephone calls. "There was a big panic," he said, "a flood of people saying they wanted to leave the country."

Leave this stable and prosperous corner of Europe? Leave this land with its generous social benefits and ample salaries, a place of fine schools, museums, sports grounds and bicycle paths, all set in a lively democracy?

The answer, increasingly, is yes. This small nation is a magnet for immigrants, but statistics suggest there is a quickening flight of the white middle class. Dutch people pulling up roots said they felt a general pessimism about their small and crowded country and about the social tensions that had grown along with the waves of newcomers, most of them Muslims."The Dutch are living in a kind of pressure cooker atmosphere," Mr. Hiltemann said.

There is more than the concern about the rising complications of absorbing newcomers, now one-tenth of the population, many of them from largely Muslim countries. Many Dutch also seem bewildered that their country, run for decades on a cozy, political consensus, now seems so tense and prickly and bent on confrontation. Those leaving have been mostly lured by large English-speaking nations like Australia, New Zealand and Canada, where they say they hope to feel less constricted.

In interviews, emigrants rarely cited a fear of militant Islam as their main reason for packing their bags. But the killing of the filmmaker Theo van Gogh, a fierce critic of fundamentalist Muslims, seems to have been a catalyst.

"Our Web site got 13,000 hits in the weeks after the van Gogh killing," said Frans Buysse, who runs an agency that handles paperwork for departing Dutch. "That's four times the normal rate."

Mr. van Gogh's killing is the only one the police have attributed to an Islamic militant, but since then they have reported finding death lists by local Islamic militants with the names of six prominent politicians. The effects still reverberate. In a recent opinion poll, 35 percent of the native Dutch questioned had negative views about Islam.

There are no precise figures on the numbers now leaving. But Canadian, Australian and New Zealand diplomats here said that while immigration papers were processed in their home capitals, embassy officials here had been swamped by inquiries in recent months.

Many who settle abroad may not appear in migration statistics, like the growing contingent of retirees who flock to warmer places. But official statistics show a trend. In 1999, nearly 30,000 native Dutch moved elsewhere, according to the Central Bureau of Statistics. For 2004, the provisional figure is close to 40,000. "It's definitely been picking up in the past five years," said Cor Kooijmans, a demographer at the bureau.

Ruud Konings, an accountant, has just sold his comfortable home in the small town of Hilvarenbeek. In March, after a year's worth of paperwork, the family will leave for Australia. The couple said the main reason was their fear for the welfare and security of their two teenage children.

"When I grew up, this place was spontaneous and free, but my kids cannot safely cycle home at night," said Mr. Konings, 49. "My son just had his fifth bicycle stolen." At school, his children and their friends feel uneasy, he added. "They're afraid of being roughed up by the gangs of foreign kids."

Sandy Sangen has applied to move to Norway with her husband and two school-age children. They want to buy a farm in what she calls "a safer, more peaceful place."

Like the Sangens and Koningses, others who are moving speak of their yearning for the open spaces, the clean air, the easygoing civility they feel they have lost. Complaints include overcrowding, endless traffic jams, overregulation. Some cite a rise in antisocial behavior and a worrying new toughness and aggression both in political debates and on the streets.

Until the killing of Pim Fortuyn, a populist anti-immigration politician, in 2002 and the more recent slaying of a teacher by a student, this generation of Dutch people could not conceive of such violence in their peaceful country.

After Mr. van Gogh's killing, angry demonstrations and fire-bombings of mosques and Muslim schools took place. In revenge, some Christian churches were attacked. Mr. Konings said he and many of his friends sensed more confrontation in the making, perhaps more violence.

"I'm a great optimist, but we're now caught in a downward spiral, economically and socially," he said. "We feel we can give our children a better start somewhere else."

Marianne and Rene Aukens, from the rural town of Brunssum, had successful careers, he as director of a local bank, she as a personnel manager. But after much thought they have applied to go to New Zealand. "In my lifetime, all the villages around here have merged, almost all the green spaces have been paved over," said Mr. Aukens, 41. "Nature is finished. There's no more silence; you hear traffic everywhere."

The saying that the Netherlands is "full up" has become a national mantra. It was used cautiously at first, because it had an overtone of being anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim. But many of those interviewed now state it flatly, like Peter Bles. He makes a long commute to a banking job in Amsterdam, but he and his wife are preparing to move to Australia.

"We found people are more polite, less stressed, less aggressive there," Mr. Bles said. "Perhaps stress has a lot to do with the lack of living space. Here we are full up."

Space is indeed at a premium here in Europe's most densely populated nation, where 16.3 million people live in an area roughly the size of Maryland. Denmark, which is slightly larger, has 5.5 million people. Dutch demographers say their country has undergone one of Europe's fastest and most far-reaching demographic shifts, with about 10 percent of the population now foreign born, a majority of them Muslims.

Blaming immigrants for many ills has become commonplace. Conservative Moroccans and Turks from rural areas are accused of disdaining the liberal Dutch ways and of making little effort to adapt. Immigrant youths now make up half the prison population. More than 40 percent of immigrants receive some form of government assistance, a source of resentment among native Dutch. Immigrants say, though, that they are widely discriminated against.

Ms. Konings said the Dutch themselves brought on some of the social frictions. The Dutch "thought that we had to adapt to the immigrants and that we had to give them handouts," she said. "We've been too lenient; now it's difficult to turn the tide."

To Mr. Hiltemann, the emigration consultant, what is remarkable is not only the surge of interest among the Dutch in leaving, but also the type of people involved. "They are successful people, I mean, urban professionals, managers, physiotherapists, computer specialists," he said. Five years ago, he said, most of his clients were farmers looking for more land.

Mr. Buysse, who employs a staff of eight to process visas, concurred. He said farmers were still emigrating as Europe cut agricultural subsidies. '"What is new," he said, "is that Dutch people who are rich or at least very comfortable are now wanting to leave the country."

Shoe bomber accomplice was trained in Pakistan

British man pleads guilty to conspiring with shoe-bomber to blow up aircraft
03:16 PM EST Feb 28

ROBERT BARR


LONDON (AP) - A British man accused of conspiring with shoe-bomber Richard Reid pleaded guilty Monday to conspiring to blow up a U.S.-bound aircraft in 2001, becoming the first person to be convicted of a terrorist offence in Britain since the Sept. 11 attacks in the United States.

Sajid Badat, 25, of Gloucester, England, was charged with conspiring with Reid, who was convicted in the United States, and with a Belgian to make the explosive device.

"It is clear the plan was that Reid and Badat would bring down a passenger aircraft at similar times in late December that year," prosecutor Richard Horwell said.

Badat pleaded guilty to conspiring between Jan. 1, 1999, and Nov. 28, 2003, to place a device on an aircraft in service.

Prosecutors said there was evidence that Badat had lost his nerve and withdrew from the plot.

Reid was arrested after trying to detonate the device aboard an American Airlines flight from Paris to Miami on Dec. 22, 2001. He was sentenced to life in prison after pleading guilty to charges in the United States.

Prosecutors said Badat had had received training both in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and that while in Afghanistan, he was given an explosive device designed to evade airport security and destroy an aircraft in flight.

Badat kept the device at his home in Gloucester, but had separated the fuse and detonator from the plastic explosive, Horwell said. Acquaintances in Gloucester had described Badat as a quiet, studious young man who had given sermons at a local mosque. Badat's parents reportedly had emigrated from Malawi in 1960s and settled in Gloucester, where Badat was born.

Sunday, February 27, 2005

More on Pakistani nuclear proliferation

A High-Risk Nuclear Stakeout

The U.S. took too long to act, some experts say, letting a Pakistani scientist sell illicit technology well after it knew of his operation.

By Douglas Frantz
Times Staff Writer

February 27, 2005

WASHINGTON — Nuclear warhead plans that Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan sold to Libya were more complete and detailed than previously disclosed, raising new concerns about the cost of Washington's watch-and-wait policy before Khan and his global black market were shut down last year.

Two Western nuclear weapons specialists who have examined the top-secret designs say the hundreds of pages of engineering drawings and handwritten notes provide an excellent starting point for anyone trying to develop an effective atomic warhead.

"This involved the spread of very sensitive nuclear knowledge, and it is the most serious form of proliferation," one of the specialists said. Both described the designs on condition that their names be withheld because the plans are classified.

The sale of the plans is particularly troubling to some investigators because the transaction occurred at least 18 months after U.S. and British intelligence agencies concluded that Khan was running an international nuclear smuggling ring and identified Libya as a suspected customer, according to U.S. officials and a British government assessment.

Interviews with current and former government officials and intelligence agents and outside experts in Washington, Europe and the Middle East reveal a lengthy pattern of watching and waiting when it came to Khan and his illicit network.

The trail dated back more than 20 years as Khan went from a secretive procurer of technology for Pakistan's atomic weapons program, which he headed, to history's biggest independent seller of nuclear weapons equipment and expertise.

For most of those years, Khan's primary customers were Iran and North Korea. In 2002, President Bush said the countries were part of an "axis of evil," in part because of nuclear programs nourished by Khan and his network.

Despite knowing at least the broad outlines of Khan's activities, American intelligence agencies regularly objected to shutting down his operations. And policymakers in Washington repeatedly prioritized other strategic goals over stopping him, according to current and former officials.

Some officials said that even as the picture of the threat posed by Khan's operation got clearer and bigger in 2000 and 2001, the intelligence was too limited to act on.

Other officials said the CIA and the National Security Agency, which eavesdropped on Khan's communications, were so addicted to gathering information and so worried about compromising their electronic sources that they rebuffed efforts to roll up the operation for years.

"We could have stopped the Khan network, as we knew it, at any time," said Robert J. Einhorn, a top counter-proliferation official at the State Department from 1991 to August 2001. "The debate was, do you stop it now or do you watch it and understand it better so that you are in a stronger position to pull it up by the roots later? The case for waiting prevailed."

Current and former Bush administration officials say the patience paid off. They say that in late 2003, combined U.S. and British intelligence on Khan finally yielded enough information to persuade Libyan leader Moammar Kadafi to relinquish his nuclear technology and turn over conclusive evidence used to shut down the Pakistani scientist, who by then had been removed as head of his nation's primary nuclear laboratory.

"A.Q. Khan is a textbook case of government doing things right," John S. Wolf, then assistant secretary of State for nonproliferation, said when Kadafi gave up his nuclear equipment.

Others say that the price of patience was too high, emphasizing that for years Khan fed the nuclear ambitions of countries that the U.S. says have ties to terrorism and pose major foreign policy problems.

"I don't see what was gained by waiting," said George Perkovich, a nonproliferation expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. "Iran got centrifuge equipment and knowledge at the very least, and possibly a weapons design. We don't even know what North Korea got."

An American diplomat in Europe was more blunt, saying, "It's absolutely shocking that Khan spread nuclear knowledge while he was being watched."

As a global inquiry into Khan's network enters its second year, investigators from several countries and the United Nations' International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna are trying to answer two vital questions — how much damage did Khan do and how did he stay in business for so long?

The challenge has been made tougher by Pakistan's refusal to allow outside investigators to question Khan, who is under house arrest in Islamabad, and because his network began systematically shredding papers and deleting e-mails in the summer of 2002, after realizing it was under surveillance.

Investigators said the previously undisclosed destruction of records is making it harder to discover whether the network sold its deadly wares, including the warhead plans, to as yet unidentified countries or even extremist organizations. It also increases the chances that remnants of the ring will re-emerge. "Regrettably, they had a long time to destroy evidence," said a senior investigator who had interviewed members of the network. "They knew they were being watched."

A detailed chronology of the long history of Khan and the spies who watched him, based on extensive interviews and hundreds of pages of public and confidential records, provides an unusual look at the inherent tension between gathering intelligence and taking action, which allowed the scientist and his network of engineers and middlemen to operate unchecked.

*

Path to Deception

Abdul Qadeer Khan, believed to have been born in India in 1935, moved with his family to Pakistan in 1952 in the aftermath of ethnic violence in India. He was a bright student whose studies took him to Europe, where he eventually received a doctorate in metallurgy.

In May 1972, Khan started work for an engineering firm in Amsterdam that was a major subcontractor for Urenco, a British-Dutch-German consortium founded two years earlier to develop advanced centrifuges to enrich uranium for civilian power plants.

Though he was supposed to work only with material labeled confidential, over the next 3 1/2 years Khan got access to top-secret dossiers on every aspect of the enrichment process, according to a lengthy report prepared last year by Dutch anti-nuclear activists.

When he returned to Pakistan in December 1975 with his Dutch wife, Hendrina, and their two daughters, ostensibly for a holiday, he carried with him designs he had copied while working in the Netherlands, intelligence and law enforcement authorities said.

His timing was excellent. Pakistan had fought wars in 1965 and 1971 with neighboring India and the two countries were locked in a race to develop nuclear weapons.

Khan mailed his resignation letter to Amsterdam and quickly assumed a primary role in the Pakistani government's nuclear program, which would succeed in testing its first bombs in 1998 partly because of Khan's skills.

Initially, he served under the nation's atomic energy commission, but he bristled at the constraints and won the right to work without official oversight.

"He asked for and received autonomy and an unlimited budget," said Feroz Khan, a retired Pakistani brigadier general and nuclear expert who is not related to A.Q. Khan. "There was no accountability."

Enriching natural uranium to weapons grade is a complicated process requiring huge arrays of slim cylinders called centrifuges and sophisticated machinery to regulate them as they spin at twice the speed of sound.

Pakistan did not have the material to manufacture the delicately balanced centrifuges or much of the other equipment required, so Khan used his outsize budget to establish a clandestine procurement network.

The first purchases were from companies associated with Urenco and were orchestrated through Pakistani embassies in Europe in 1976, creating what became known as the Pakistani pipeline.

Alarm bells rang in 1978 after a British company sold Pakistan high-frequency electronic devices used in the enrichment process. The ensuing investigations pointed at Khan, according to media reports at the time.

President Jimmy Carter cut off U.S. assistance to Pakistan in April 1979 when it was discovered that Khan had stolen plans from Urenco and was using them in Pakistan's nuclear effort.

But the U.S. sanctions were short-lived. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan later that year pushed counter-proliferation concerns to the back burner and lowered the heat on Khan and Pakistan for the next decade. During that period, Islamabad was the principal conduit for huge amounts of U.S. aid to anti-Soviet fighters in neighboring Afghanistan.

The Dutch were unable to prove that Khan stole the designs, but in 1983 he was convicted in absentia of writing two letters seeking classified nuclear information. The conviction was overturned because he never received a proper summons.

A former CIA agent who worked in the region said the Reagan administration had "incontrovertible" knowledge of Pakistan's progress toward the bomb and Khan's central role in procuring material, but chose not to act.

The pattern and priorities had been established. Throughout the 1980s, the Reagan and Bush administrations sent $600 million a year in military and economic assistance to Pakistan for its help on Afghanistan, according to a report last month by the Congressional Research Service.

Not until the Soviets pulled out of Afghanistan did the first President Bush reimpose sanctions on Pakistan, in 1990, for developing atomic weapons.

But U.S. intelligence had not lost complete sight of Khan. The CIA was told in 1989 that the Pakistani scientist was providing centrifuge designs and parts to Iran, said two former U.S. officials who read the reports.

Not for the first time, however, U.S. intelligence officials and policymakers underestimated Khan's talent for spreading nuclear know-how.

"We knew he traveled a lot, but we thought it was probably related to imports rather than exports," said Einhorn, who read about the Iran link when he joined the State Department nonproliferation bureau in 1991. "We thought the Iran connection had fallen off during the 1990s and that Iran was mainly looking to Russia rather than Pakistan for its nuclear supplies."

In fact, Khan started providing material to Iran in 1987 and continued as its primary nuclear supplier for at least a decade, recent reports by the International Atomic Energy Agency state. As demand for his wares grew, he turned for help to many of the companies and engineers supplying Pakistan.

*

Tapping Old Contacts

The network was a sort of old boys club from Urenco. It included Dutch, German and Swiss members, former Urenco subcontractors who had gotten rich helping Khan turn Pakistan into a nuclear power.

But rivalries developed within the group as orders from Iran slowed in the mid-1990s, and Khan, even as he ran Pakistan's enrichment facilities, tried to expand his illicit sales to other countries, investigators said.

"Some guys got along and some guys didn't," said an investigator who spoke on condition of anonymity. "A.Q. dealt with them individually. There were some group meetings, but there was never a meeting of all the major players at once."

Khan developed a particularly close friendship with B.S.A. Tahir, a Sri Lankan businessman who eventually turned his computer business in Dubai into the network's operational base. The two men traveled together frequently and twice made the Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca, Saudi Arabia.

Khan visited at least a dozen countries in the Middle East and Africa in search of new customers for the network, but nuclear weapons proved a harder sell than he had imagined, investigators said.

In 1997, he got a cold reception when he told an audience of scientists and military officers in Damascus that Syria should acquire its own nuclear weapons to counter Israel's arsenal, said a former Syrian official who attended the talk.

But that same year he appeared to strike it rich. At a series of meetings in Istanbul, Turkey, and Casablanca, Morocco, he made a deal to sell Libya a complete bomb-making factory for approximately $100 million.

This appears to have been the network's biggest transaction, and it led Khan to take a risk and expand beyond the original participants and his own safe base in Pakistan.

The Libya deal was taking shape just as Khan reaped enormous benefits at home. On May 28, 1998, the desert of southwestern Pakistan rumbled deeply as five nuclear weapons were detonated. It was Pakistan's first nuclear test and it answered India's detonation of three bombs two weeks earlier.

Already a powerful figure, Khan basked in nationwide adulation as he was dubbed the father of the Islamic bomb, a title that many experts say exaggerated his role. Still, he boasted in an interview with a Pakistani magazine about evading efforts to stop him and exploiting Western greed.

"Many suppliers approached us with the details of the machinery and with the figures and numbers of instruments and materials," he said. "They begged us to purchase their goods."

Even with his role in making nuclear weapons now in the open, Khan continued to quietly make deals with other nations. In late 1998, U.S. intelligence picked up evidence that he was trading enrichment technology to North Korea in return for missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads into India, a former senior U.S. official who read the reports said.

The suspicions were added to a growing, highly classified chronology of Khan's actions kept at the State Department, said another former senior official.

In January 1999, Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott raised the North Korean deal at a lunch in Islamabad with then-Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. He asked Sharif to stop the illicit trade in nuclear technology and end the deals with Pyongyang, Talbott wrote in his 2004 book "Engaging India." A second U.S. official who attended the meeting corroborated the account.

Though Talbott did not mention Khan by name, the second official said it was clear that Talbott was talking about Khan when he asked for a halt to the nuclear proliferation and the deals with North Korea, which intelligence data showed were being handled directly by Khan through his research laboratory in Pakistan.

"It is true that Pakistan has important defense cooperation with North Korea, but it is for conventional military equipment," Sharif replied, according to the second official. "Nothing nuclear is taking place."

Former Pakistani officials said the Americans never provided hard information that could have led to action against Khan, though critics argue that the scientist could not have conducted his business without at least a wink and a nod from Pakistan's military establishment.

"They were very vague warnings and there was no real evidence or we would have acted," Feroz Khan, the former Pakistani brigadier general who is a visiting professor at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, Calif., said in a telephone interview.

The situation for Abdul Qadeer Khan began to deteriorate after Sharif was ousted in a coup in October 1999 by Gen. Pervez Musharraf, the head of the armed forces.

Aides to Musharraf said he tried almost immediately to assert control over the country's nuclear establishment, including imposing the first audit requirements on Khan Research Laboratory, the government complex renamed after him that was his base of operations.

Khan resisted and Musharraf ultimately forced him out as head of the lab, though he lavished praise on Khan at his retirement banquet, saying his team had "sweated, day and night, against all odds and obstacles, against international sanctions and sting operations, to create, literally out of nothing, with their bare hands, the pride of Pakistan's nuclear capability."

The unprecedented restrictions at home coincided with increasing demand for centrifuges and other goods for Libya's bomb-making factory. Khan responded by finding new sources of equipment in South Africa and Malaysia.

Pakistan was known in U.S. intelligence circles as a "hard target," which meant penetrating Khan's inner circle and his facilities there was extremely difficult. Pakistani authorities were aware of U.S. interest in their nuclear facilities and took steps to protect them and their scientists.

The shift to other locations for production created a new vulnerability that was quickly exploited by the U.S., most likely by eavesdropping on phone calls and monitoring e-mail.

"We were inside his residence, inside his facilities, inside his rooms," said George J. Tenet, the former director of the CIA, describing that period to an audience last year.

A former U.S. intelligence officer said the CIA and National Security Agency were focused on the Khan network and collecting important pieces of the puzzle, but both agencies argued for caution out of a strong desire to protect sources and methods.

"In the NSA's case, we could be talking about the potential compromise of a collection system costing millions of dollars or a specific, crucial source that would be evident if the information were acted on," the former officer said.

The best public source of information for what intelligence agencies were learning at the time is a report issued in July by a British government commission. Two U.S. officials described the report as an accurate reflection of information shared between the CIA and its British equivalent, MI6.

By April 2000, intelligence showed that Khan was supplying uranium enrichment equipment to at least one customer in the Middle East, thought to be Libya, the report says. Five months later, intelligence operatives learned that the network was mass producing centrifuge components for a major project.

When the new Bush administration came into office in January 2001, the CIA briefed officials at the National Security Council on the dangers posed by Khan. The NSC officials recognized the threat as well as the need to get as much information as possible before acting, said two people involved in the talks.

"The suspicion was that the intelligence guys were all about reporting and watching and they had to overcome that," said Richard Falkenrath, an NSC staff member at the time. "The other question was, 'What would we do about Khan, what would Pakistan tolerate?' "

Throughout 2001, the CIA and MI6 tracked Khan's activities. A comprehensive assessment in March 2002 concluded that Khan's network had moved its base to Dubai and established production facilities in Malaysia.

A few months later, new information led the agencies to conclude that Khan's network was central to a Libyan nuclear weapons program.

By January 2003, the British were concerned that "Khan's activities had now reached the point where it would be dangerous to allow them to go on," the report says.

Libyan officials later would tell the Americans and British that Khan had delivered the warhead plans to them in late 2001 or early 2002. Wolf, the former assistant secretary of State, said he was unsure whether the Americans or British knew about the plans until after the Libyans decided to give up their nuclear ambitions.

Even as the danger mounted, there was a new constraint on action. The terrorist attacks on New York City and the Pentagon on Sept. 11, 2001, had restored Pakistan as a vital ally, and U.S. officials were reluctant to take any step that might jeopardize the fight against Al Qaeda and the Taliban.

*

Unraveling the Network

The endgame for Khan began in March 2003. Seif Islam, Kadafi's elder son, approached an MI6 agent in London with an offer to talk about rumors that Libya possessed weapons of mass destruction, several officials briefed on the episode said.

Intelligence agents from the CIA and MI6 held sporadic talks with the head of Libyan intelligence, Mousa Kusa, through the spring and summer. The U.S. and Britain wanted Libya to give up its chemical weaponry and nuclear technology, and Kadafi wanted assurances that in return economic sanctions hobbling its economy would be removed.

In August, with the issue still unresolved, British intelligence got a tip about a shipment that would be leaving Khan's factory in Malaysia for Libya. U.S. spy satellites tracked the shipment, and the vessel was eventually diverted by U.S. and Italian authorities to an Italian port, where five crates of delicate centrifuge components were unloaded.

U.S. officials involved in the episode said the interception finally persuaded the Libyan leader to give up his weapons programs, a decision Kadafi announced on Dec. 19, 2003.

As part of the deal, teams from the U.S., Britain and the International Atomic Energy Agency arrived in Libya in January 2004 to dismantle the 500 tons of nuclear equipment that Khan's network had shipped there. The most sensitive material was loaded onto a U.S. military cargo plane that had been stripped of its identifying marks and flown nonstop to the national weapons laboratory in Oak Ridge, Tenn.

Among the items on the plane was a sealed pouch containing the warhead designs, said people involved in the shipment.

The two nuclear weapons specialists who examined the top-secret plans said the Libyans had handed them over in two plastic shopping bags. They said identifying marks had been removed but the designs were clearly for a warhead tested by China in 1966 and later provided to Pakistan.

One bag contained about 100 production drawings for fabricating the warhead; the other held hundreds of pages of handwritten notes and unclassified documents from sources such as the U.S. Department of Energy.

The notes, written in English by at least four people, were numbered sequentially and appeared to be the detailed records of a year-long seminar given long ago by Chinese experts to Pakistanis on how to build the warhead, the experts said.

Even before Kadafi made his announcement, U.S. officials had confronted Musharraf with the Libyan evidence against Khan, leaving the Pakistani leader with little choice but to act.

But Khan remained too popular — and Musharraf's grip on power too tenuous — for a public arrest. Instead, Khan was placed under house arrest and made a brief televised confession on Feb. 4, 2004, and he was pardoned immediately.

Since then, Pakistan has kept Khan outside the reach of investigators, leaving many questions about the proliferation network unanswered.

In one troubling discovery, investigators and customs officials in Europe say they recently found signs that elements of the network had resumed work. This time, the client again is Pakistan, which investigators suspect is trying to get material for a new generation of centrifuges.

"With Pakistan today, it's hard to know how much they need, but already a couple of items have been stopped very recently, including a shipment of high-strength aluminum for centrifuges," an investigator said.

In the meantime, Congress has approved and funded a request for a three-year, $3-billion package of economic and military assistance to Pakistan, which remains a key ally in the Bush administration's war on terrorism.

John Stossel:Outsourcing economically benefits the U.S

John Stossel:
Outsourcing economically benefits the U.S.

By JOHN STOSSEL
Guest Commentary

SHOW US the jobs!" chanted union workers at an AFL-CIO rally protesting outsourcing. They were angry that "their" jobs were going overseas.

So let's go look for the jobs that have disappeared.

ABC News asked the AFL-CIO for its best examples of workers who lost jobs because of outsourcing. The first people they told us to talk to were Shirley and Ronnie Bernard.

The Bernards used to work at a Levi's factory in Knoxville, Tenn. But then, Levi's sent jobs to Mexico and closed that plant. It "tore a lot of people up because some people have been here since they were 16 years of age, and they've been here like 20-something-odd years," one woman told the local ABC affiliate. People "were in tears," said a man.

But what about all those jobs going overseas? Consider 50 people in India doing programming that people in California used to do. They work for a company called Collabnet, run by Bill Portelli. The salary for each Indian programmer costs him less than half as much as an American's salary for the same job.

Yet the Americans who work for his company didn't lose their jobs, because outsourcing saved Collabnet so much money, Portelli could expand in America. "Basically, I've created jobs in America," says Portelli.

"I've built better products, created jobs, been able to raise salaries." Had he not been able to hire Indians, he says, he might even have gone out of business.

"Then he probably should be out of business," said Lou Dobbs, "because the fact of the matter is, either his business would be successful with American workers, or it's not going to be successful at all."

What?! The fact of the matter is, the most successful companies are outsourcers. And a Dartmouth study found that outsourcers are the bigger job creators.

Saturday, February 26, 2005

History of the Baloch freedom struggle

Historical events explaining the Balochistan imbroglio in the past and present

By Farooq Sulehria

Balochistan has 'plagued' many governments in Pakistan since 1947 when it was forcibly incorporated into Pakistan. At the time of Partition, besides British Balochistan, there were four princely states in what is now Balochistan: Kalat (the largest and most powerful), Makran, Kharan and Las Bela. The Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, wanted a Nepal-like status for Kalat, that unlike other princely states in undivided India had a treaty with Whitehall. Within twenty-four hours of Pakistan's creation, he declared Kalat's independence. The Khan of Kalat was not the only head of a princely state yearning for independence. The Maharaja of Jammu Kashmir and Nizam of Hyderabad had similar ambitions. But Pakistan and India frustrated all three in the same way: militarily.

The showdown between Kalat and Pakistan came on April 1, 1948. The army marched on Kalat. The Khan capitulated. But his younger brother, Prince Abdul Karim, declared a revolt against Pakistan. Prince Karim's band of 700 guerrillas (Baloch National Liberation Committee) took to the hills to fight the Pakistan army. The rebellion was soon crushed. Karim was trapped and arrested, but later granted amnesty.

In ten years time, Balochistan was in revolt again. Fearing that West Pakistan's three minority provinces might ally with East Pakistan and in an attempt to counter the numerically larger East Pakistanis, the West Pakistani ruling establishment merged the four West Pakistan provinces into One Unit in 1954. The move was greatly resented by the three smaller provinces in the western part of the country.

To crush the growing anti-One Unit movement in Balochistan, the army marched on the province a day before the first military rule was imposed. The Khan of Kalat was arrested. Large-scale arrests and house-to-house searches were conducted across Balochistan. The Baloch responded with armed resistance. A 1000-man militia under the command of Nauroz Khan launched a struggle against One Unit and for the release of the Khan of Kalat. The militia engaged the Pakistan army in pitched battles for over a year, until on May 19, 1959, both sides agreed upon parleys -- actually a trap for Nauroz Khan who was arrested. In July same year, five of Nauroz's relatives including his son were sent to the gallows. He himself died in prison in 1964 and became a symbol of Baloch resistance.

The Baloch resistance continued until 28 January 1967 when the Pakistan government announced a general amnesty. The decade old armed struggle ended, only to start in a few years again when Bhutto at the behest of the Shah of Iran started an ill-fated operation in Balochistan.

The first general elections in Balochistan in 1970 had helped Baloch nationalists secure the legitimacy they needed. Overwhelmingly voted in, the Baloch nationalists formed the province's first ever-elected government with the support of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI).

In 1973, Bhutto visited Iran where the Shah, concerned about the oil-rich Iranian side of Balochistan, warned him against any nationalist movement on his border and promised economic and military aid worth 200 million dollars. On his return, Bhutto dismissed the elected government of Balochistan, on the pretext that a cache of 350 Soviet submachine guns and 100,000 rounds of ammunition had been found in the Iraqi political attache's house in Islamabad. Bhutto claimed that the weapons were destined for either Pakistani or Iranian Balochistan.

Soon the Pakistan Air Force's French Mirage fighters and Iran's American Cobra helicopters (manned by Iranian pilots) were bombing Balochistan. The Mirage and Cobra squadrons were joined by 80,000 ground troops. The reaction against it was widespread too, with an estimated 80,000 rebels having joined the Balochistan Peoples' Liberation Front.

Though the insurgency remained isolated, mainly due to press censorship, it attracted some upper middle class radical youth from Lahore, who had been schooled in London. Some from Sindh also joined in. Bhutto was indeed annoyed when two Talpur boys joined the Baloch guerrillas.

The Bhuttoist misadventure in Balochistan cost the lives of 3,300 Pakistani troops and 5,300 guerrillas. Above all, Bhutto dug his own grave by involving the Pakistan army in civilian affairs and setting a precedent for its later behaviour. In July 1977, the army 'secured' Pakistan, the new military dictator declared a victory in Balochistan and the troops withdrew. The resistance eventually died down, only to re-emerge in present times, since for the Balochs, nothing had changed. Their province remains the country's economically the most backward, despite possessing rich mineral resources. Major Baloch grievances continue to revolve around the issue of natural gas royalties and use.

Discovered in 1952 at Sui, natural gas was not available even in Quetta until 1980s -- and that too when an army cantonment needed it -- although Sui gas had reached far-flung towns in Punjab. Gas from Balochistan meets 38 per cent of the national needs yet only six per cent of Balochistan's 6.5 million people have access to it. Adding insult to injury, Balochistan is not paid proper royalties.

For instance, during the current fiscal year, Balochistan, producing 950 million cubic feet (mcf) gas, will get Rs 5.996 billion compared to Sindh's Rs 19 billion despite the fact that Sindh produces 700 mcf gas. Punjab's share would be Rs 2 billion and its production is 250 mcf. The reason for this disparity lies in a money distribution formula which allocates different rates for energy produced in different provinces: Punjab is paid Rs 80-190 per British thermal unit (btu), Sindh gets Rs 140 per btu while Balochistan is doled out Rs 36.65 per btu (Herald, September 2004). Balochistan's deprivation is further aggravated when it comes to the Federal Divisible Pool as funds from that pool are allocated on population basis. In the current fiscal year, provincial share in Federal Divisible Pool is: Punjab -- Rs 115.22 billion, Sindh -- Rs 47.52 billion , NWFP -- Rs 27.76 billion and and Balochistan -- Rs 17.5 billion. No wonder Balochistan's debt to the Centre has amounted to the tune of Rs 43 billion while it has a State Bank overdraft of Rs 7 billion.

The Balochs have almost no representation in military and bureaucracy. None of the country's top 40 industrialist groups belong to Balochistan. Health and education facilities are widely unavailable to people in Balochistan. While tribal chiefs enjoying high standards of life, working people do not even have an access to clean drinking water.

Baloch concerns about their status were intensified when the federal government launched a project in the coastal town of Gwadar that they fear will lead to large-scale immigration from other provinces, adding to the existing large numbers of ethnic Pushtoons already present. With Balochistan's entire population standing at only 6.5 million almost half of which is non-Baloch, the Balochs fear that they are being 'Red Indianised'.

The Baloch demand, and justifiably so, that jobs at Gwadar be given to them. They also demand an end to the influx of outsider labour to Gwadar. Media reports suggest that only jobs below grade 15 are being doled out to the Balochs. Balochistan does lack professionals but it still does have thousands of jobless engineers and technicians, who must be accorded first preference while employing people for projects being carried out in their province. The Musharraf regime, instead of taking note of the Baloch grievances, has announced the building of three new military bases in Balochistan -- seen by the Balochs as an attempt to further subjugate them.

But when they protest, their protest is dismissed and hushed up. The Balochs then take up the gun and go back to the hills. Consequently, the once little known Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) is fast becoming a household name. It has been engaged in guerrilla activities at least since 1999 or even before. What is clear is that if the Khakis march on Balochistan yet again, the Baloch will resist and the BLA ranks will swell.

Friday, February 25, 2005

India's Software Outsourcing to Draw $17B

India's Software Outsourcing to Draw $17B


India's export revenues from software outsourcing have exceeded targets and will reach $17.3 billion in the fiscal year ending March 2005, a key trade body said Friday.

Also, the number of people employed in India's outsourcing industry has reached 1 million for the first time, the National Association of Software and Service Companies, or NASSCOM, said.

"Our exports gained momentum this year, with more companies realizing the value of global sourcing," said the association's president, Kiran Karnik.

In the year to March 2004, India's software exports stood at $12.8 billion and the industry employed 770,000 people, Karnik said.

Industry leaders said India made impressive gains in other technology areas as well.

Mobile and fixed-line phone subscriptions are expected to exceed 23 million in the fiscal year ending in March, taking the total number of users in India to 99 million, according to the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India, the country's telecommunications regulator.

A year earlier, the total number of users in India was 76 million, with 20 million new mobile and fixed line phone subscriptions sold, the regulatory authority said.

A record 4 million computers and 1.2 million Internet connections were likely to be sold in the fiscal year ending in March this year, said Vinnie Mehta, executive director of Manufacturers' Association of Information Technology.

"We have done quite well this year. Growth is happening absolutely in all sectors," Mehta said.

The value of India's computer hardware industry is estimated to be $6 billion, including exports of $700 million, according to NASSCOM.

EMC to invest additional $150 million in India

EMC to invest additional $150 million in India

Data-storage giant EMC Corp. plans to invest an additional $150 million in India by 2007 to expand sales, research and development and work force.

The investment is in addition to the $100 million EMC announced in 2003. The entire $250 million will be spent by 2007, according to Bill Teuber, EMC's chief financial officer.

Hopkinton-based EMC, which opened a software center in Bangalore in 2003, is expanding in the country where as many as 184,347 engineers will graduate this year.

EMC plans to increase the work force in the country to 1,000 by the end of this year from 400, as it seeks to expand its research facility and generate more sales. The additional 600 people will be hired for its research, customer support and sales force in the country.

Teuber said EMC expects global sales to be double the estimated 8 percent growth in the storage information management market. That compares with the 32 percent growth it recorded in 2004.

Thursday, February 24, 2005

Ayaz Amir on Kargil

Feb 25: Dawn. Permanent link should appear here next week.

Anatomy of folly: not for robust souls

By Ayaz Amir

India may agonize over Kargil, over the shortcomings and failures of its army when the conflict broke out. (An internal Indian army report, the subject of an extensive story in the Indian magazine, Outlook, is scathing on the subject.) Indians are welcome to soul-searching. That's not how things are done in Pakistan.

The Pakistani response to failure or folly is refreshingly simple: just forget about the damned thing. Consign it to the drawer of unwelcome memories and throw the key away.

We did this with the '65 war, no one at the top ever publicly admitting that far from India being the aggressor, our actions in Kashmir invited Indian retaliation. Any internal army analysis about how the Ayub command walked into that mess? Not that anyone knows of.

Any admission of atrocities committed in East Pakistan? Any commission set up to investigate the truth? There was the Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report kept under wraps for years and released by the present regime only after portions of it were carried in some Indian papers.

Anyone held to account for those events? You must be kidding. The army, while exercising freedom of expression to the full when it comes to civilians and politicians, jealously guards its own. No room for criticism where army conduct is concerned.

For 20 years the army and its intelligence agencies played baffling games in Afghanistan aimed at keeping Afghanistan forever in Pakistan's orbit of influence. Acquiring 'strategic depth' is what our military geniuses called it.

What were the fruits of that policy? Guns, drugs, religious extremism, a proliferation of religious schools, the rise of mullah power along the western marches, a refugee population that Pakistan could have done without, and, worst of all, a reputation for backing the Taliban and supporting international 'jihad'.

Why did the military elite panic when Powell made his famous telephone call after September 11? Because who would have known better than them of the skeletons in our national cupboard? This consciousness of guilt, of being caught on the wrong side of events, was the real lubricant easing Pakistan's overnight passage from defender of 'jihad' to American errand boy in the so-called 'war on terror'.

A succession of army chiefs from Zia down to Beg, Karamat and Kakar, championed Pakistan's Afghan policy, considering it one of the divine commandments. No one has ever caught them saying Pakistan in this instance might have been wrong.

The Indian army report on Kargil is startling in its candour. It speaks of "a sense of complacency among officers and men..." intelligence failures leading to delays in figuring out the full extent of the Pakistani incursion, indecisiveness at the top, physically unfit battalion commanders, lack of initiative among JCOs and junior ranks which put much of the burden of the fighting on young officers, a high proportion of whom were killed.

If the war was won, says the report, it was due to the "courage and leadership of young officers." And so on. From what little has appeared in our newspapers, the report appears to be comprehensive and unsparing, pulling no punches.

There is no point in nursing an inferiority complex vis-'-vis India. Everything Indian is not golden and everything Pakistani is not shabby. But as far as looking Kargil in the eye is concerned, the contrast couldn't be sharper.

India's failures or shortcomings lay in the realm of omission, of not being adequately prepared for the threat from Pakistan. Pakistan's failure was one of commission, of starting a mini-war whose objectives seemed clear to no one, not even the planners.

What was the aim of the exercise? What was the army command hoping to achieve? The liberation of Kashmir? Forcing India to the negotiating table? Today as six years ago, the reasons for Kargil remain shrouded in mystery.

Far from achieving anything, Kargil was a piece of military folly which (1) sabotaged the peace process begun by Nawaz Sharif and Atal Behari Vajpayee; (2) painted Pakistan in a bad light by giving international currency to the term "cross-border terrorism"; and (3) reinforced the status of the Line of Control whose sanctity President Clinton insisted on when Nawaz Sharif said he wanted to come to Washington on July 4, '99.

Why the desperate overture to Clinton? Because Pakistan's military position in Kargil had become untenable and Nawaz Sharif, with the military's blessings, looked to Washington to provide a face-saving cover for the withdrawal of Pakistani troops from Kargil. We wanted the Americans to help us pull our chestnuts out of the fire.

Later of course, military apologists got busy trying to spin the story that the army had performed heroically and brilliantly while the civilian government had lost its nerve, implying that an historic opportunity to resolve the Kashmir dispute on our terms was thus lost. Utter rubbish, this was a lame attempt at passing the buck.

While the extraordinary heroism of the young officers and men of the Northern Light Infantry, the main force involved in the Kargil operation, was never in doubt - as was not of their Indian counterparts, young officers and men, who also fought heroically - all this gallantry and courage was so much effort wasted in an enterprise doomed from the start because it lacked strategic purpose.

In effect, courage in the service of folly, egg on Pakistan's face for no reason at all, Pakistani soldier ship acquitting itself well and even admirably, but Pakistani general ship at its worst.

Pakistan suffered more casualties in the Kargil operation than in any of its previous wars with India. But as a reflection of the embarrassment this conflict arouses, the precise number of the dead and wounded remains a closely-guarded secret.

So rest assured there won't be any audit of Kargil on this side, the barest mention of it an embarrassment, a spectre at the feast, a reminder of something best forgotten.

Kargil may not have liberated Kashmir but, indirectly, one thing leading to another, it set the stage for October 12, '99, when the present set-up came to power. The masterminds of Kargil, in the forefront of the day's events, may not have made much headway against the Indians but they made short work of Nawaz Sharif and his wobbly government. As the next day dawned, they were masters of the country. But Kargil was a real watershed in another sense. The actual operation as much as its aftermath finally put paid to the idea much favoured by military minds that Pakistan could take on India in an armed conflict or that there was a military solution to the Kashmir problem. Kargil proved to be the last frontier of Pakistani militarism in Kashmir.

It is tempting to flirt with the notion that India and Pakistan could have achieved the present detente on their own. But it wouldn't be true. Many factors lie behind it, not least American sponsorship and guidance, the Americans with other eggs to fry simply not interested in Indo-Pakistan squabbling.

Even so, the deeper roots of Indo-Pakistan detente can be traced to the Kargil stand off, the sheer stupidity and futility of that great expenditure of blood and treasure, the loss of so many young and promising lives, the shattering of so many cherished illusions on those inhospitable peaks, creating the conditions for peace. Quite a paradox: a senseless conflict becoming the necessary prelude to peace.

Meanwhile, due credit must also be paid to another historic development: the psychological transformation of the military resulting in a subtle shift from one kind of dedication to another, from guns to butter.

Even as military commando boots and camouflage jackets become more impressive and even formidable, the new ethos which has the military class in thrall is more conducive to producing entrepreneurs than warriors.

This is a welcome development for it augurs well for the future of Indo-Pakistan detente, making the Pakistani military, once an outpost of unabashed jingoism, the leading stakeholder in sub-continental peace.

US could sell F-16s and Patriots to India

US could sell F-16s and Patriots to India

Daily Times Monitor

WASHINGTON: The United States may sell F-16 fighter aircraft and Patriot missile systems to India in a dramatic change of policy aimed at “exerting some degree of leverage” over New Delhi, Indian Express quoted a leading US think-tank as saying.

What is clear is that there is a growing consensus in Washington that the US should no longer be shy about selling India military equipment as part of a wider defence partnership that is critical to a major new geopolitical relationship, according to a report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

“Supplying arms to New Delhi will be a dramatic change in US policy and certainly the most notable arms sale since the US lifted its nuclear embargo on India in 2001,” CSIS, quoted an anonymous US analyst as saying. “For the United States, providing military technology and equipment will have the added benefit of allowing Washington to exert some degree of leverage over New Delhi,” it said. “By purchasing US hardware, India will be dependent on the United States for vital maintenance, support and up gradation to keep the weapons operational.”

The US may sell F-16s to both India and Pakistan and Patriot 2 to India, the report said. However, it added that an influx of advanced weapons into Islamabad, including the possible sale of F-16s to Pakistan, runs contrary to New Delhi’s “goal” of maintaining asymmetry between its military forces and Pakistan’s.

Lockheed's multi-role F-16s are competing in India against France's assault and other foreign suppliers. Whichever company gets it, it will be a multi-billion dollar contract, the report said. The sale of the Patriot, CSIS said, was essentially cleared under the groundbreaking Next Step in Strategic Partnership (NSSP) agreement reached by the two countries in 2004, which included missile Defence, with the US now allowing India to gain access to advanced military equipment.

Islamic fundamentalists from the PAF implicated in plot to kill Musharraf

Musharraf-attack explosive was stolen from PAF depot

LAHORE: The remote-controlled explosive device used in an attempt on President Pervez Musharraf’s life in Rawalpindi in December 2003 was stolen from an arms depot of the Pakistan Air Force (PAF), sources told Daily Times on Thursday. President Musharraf had just passed a bridge near Chaklala Scheme III when an explosive device was detonated by remote control. [b]Weapons experts, after examining the shrapnel, found that the device had been used by PAF and it was found missing from the depot that stored expired ammunition. An airman, who had strong religious inclination, was arrested, sources said, adding that he had admitted stealing the explosive device. The airman was a regular listener of dars (sermons) in PAF mosques.[/b] Such sermons have been banned since. After the airman’s arrest, all PAF personnel with strong religious inclination have come under scrutiny, sources said. [b]They said that dozens of PAF men had been court-martialled for suspected links with banned militant outfits, while many awaited trial. A similar exercise is being done in the army and navy, sources said.[/b] After a murderous attempt on Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz during his election campaign last year, a circular was issued that any staff with affiliation to a religious outfit or party or having “strong religious inclination” will be transferred from where they were stationed, sources said. [b]PAF has the highest number of men having religious inclination followed by the army and the navy, sources said.[/b] anjum gill

Pakistan "warns" US!!

Pakistan warns US against selling Patriots to India

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan said on Wednesday that any move by India to buy US-made Patriot missiles would plunge the region into crisis and threaten an ongoing peace process between the nuclear-armed rivals.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Masood Khan said Islamabad, a frontline ally in what the US calls its global “war against terrorism”, had conveyed its concern to Washington over New Delhi’s interest in the anti-ballistic missile system. “This is our stance — that this step would be counterproductive, this would erode deterrence, that this would send our region into crisis mode,” Khan told a weekly news briefing..

India was reported to have discussed the possibility of buying Patriots during talks on arms deals with the US this week. The missiles are used for defence against ballistic and cruise missiles and aircraft. The South Asian neighbours both possess long-range missiles capable of striking deep into each other’s territory and carried out back-to-back nuclear tests in May 1998. But after fighting three wars in the past half-century and returning from the brink of nuclear conflict in 2002 they are currently engaged in 13-month-old peace talks.

Iraqi terrorists trained in Pakistan

Iraqi TV airs tape of purported confession

The Syrian intelligence officer who appeared on the U.S.-funded Iraqi state television station had a stark message about the insurgency - he'd helped train people to build car bombs and behead people.

"My name is Anas Ahmed al-Essa. I live in Halab. I am from Syria," he said by way of introduction - naming what he said was his home in Syria. Halab is another name for Aleppo, a city north of Damascus.

An unidentified Iraqi officer introduced the video, saying all insurgent groups in Iraq were covers for Syrian intelligence. He named a number of well-known groups, including one which has killed and beheaded foreigners.

Al-Essa claimed to be leader of the al-Fateh Army, a group that had not been heard of previously.

Al-Sabaawi described himself as a former lieutenant colonel in Saddam's army. He said he was recruited at an Iraqi mosque in 2001 by an Iraqi man named Abu Bakr, whom he described as the al-Fateh Army's leader.

"He offered to take us on a training trip to Islamabad," the Pakistani capital, al-Sabaawi said. "He told us that we could develop our skills, give us information about how to make car bombs and carry out kidnappings."

Before returning to Iraq, al-Sabaawi said he spent 11 months in Pakistan. He did not say who trained him there.


Wednesday, February 23, 2005

Omar Sheikh: LSE educated terrorist

'The toughest boy in school'

In the early 90s, they were fellow pupils at a private school in London. Now Omar Sheikh is in Pakistan, awaiting execution for the beheading of Daniel Pearl. On the eve of his appeal, Alex Hannaford asks how the boy he used to arm-wrestle became an Islamic militant

After leaving Forest, I didn't give a second thought to Omar Sheikh. Then, one day in 1994, I read an article in this newspaper. A former pupil of the £1,000-a-term Forest school was languishing in a Delhi hospital with bullet wounds after being arrested by Indian police. The man had allegedly joined a Kashmiri separatist group responsible for the kidnapping of three Britons and an American in India.

There was a picture of him standing in his Forest school uniform: it was Omar Sheikh. Underneath was another photograph of him, bearded but instantly recognisable. How could this be the same eccentric, good-humoured schoolboy I had known just a few years before?

Five years passed before I read about him again. It was Christmas Eve 1999: an Indian Airlines plane was hijacked after leaving Kathmandu and, low on fuel, was forced to land in Afghanistan. Under a deal brokered by the terrorists and the Indian government, the 155 hostages would be freed in exchange for the release of three men from Indian jails: Mushtaq Ahmed Zargar and Mohammad Masood Azhar, both of whom were connected with terrorist organisations, and Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh.

If Sheikh's life story up to this point was of national interest, what happened next would bring him worldwide notoriety.

Four months after 9/11, the Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl, in Karachi to investigate shoe-bomber Richard Reid's links to Pakistan, was kidnapped by a militant group which claimed he was an Israeli spy. The militants executed Pearl by beheading him, and recorded their actions on video. Four people were eventually tried and convicted, among them the alleged ringleader, Omar Sheikh.

Sheikh was sentenced to death on July 15 2002 by an anti-terrorist court in Pakistan while his three accomplices were each given life imprisonment. The FBI also tied him to 9/11, claiming he had transferred $100,000 to Mohammed Atta, the leader of the hijackers who crashed into the World Trade Centre. In the UK, the media was quoting Forest school as saying Sheikh had been a model student. "The chap we knew," its spokesman said, "was a good all-round, solid and very supportive pupil; a nice bloke and very respectful. I never recall him being particularly religious or politically motivated."

The "model schoolboy-turned terrorist mastermind" story may have been perfect for the news programmes, but it didn't feel right to me. Academically, Sheikh had always been near the top of his year, but he was far from being a model pupil. Peter [who does not wish to be identified] and Omar both joined Forest in 1980 and became good friends. "Omar was stronger than I was, and through the eyes of a seven-year-old, that was pretty impressive," he says. Peter recalls that Sheikh "constantly wanted to show his strength... When he was eight, he punched a teacher called Mr Burns and knocked him to the floor. He was a full-grown man, and this was an eight-year-old boy."

In 1987, the Sheikh family moved to Pakistan. Omar went to study at Aitchison college in Lahore, but was expelled for fighting. When he returned to Forest in 1991 to take A-levels, he told friends he had been to military school.

There were also signs that Sheikh was becoming politicised. When he was 15 years old in 1989, he was discussing the worsening situation in the Balkans with friends. In 1991, he told Peter that he'd had a dream. "Muslims were being persecuted and he wanted to do something. Omar took religion very seriously," Peter says. "He had a number of tussles and when he was in the junior school he had a fight with someone who was three or four years older than him; he knocked another guy out in the first year and split his lip open.

"We both played chess. He was the school champion and I was the number two. He once said to me, 'This is the equivalent of a battle; this is how one focuses the mind.' It was always about tests for Omar, pitting himself against someone else." When they were 12, the boys attended a chess tournament at a school in Southend. "Omar got into a fracas with a kid from the other school and held him up against the wall by his neck," says Peter. Though not "ultra-religious", Sheikh would "find it personally insulting if you said anything he didn't like about Islam".

After Sheikh's return from Pakistan, Peter noticed a change. "He turned up at my house. There was a rude card on the table and Omar shifted uncomfortably in his seat, so my mum turned the card round. Before, he'd have laughed about it, but now he found it crass. At school, he started to tell these dark stories from Pakistan about people who had been killed."

Another Forest school friend remembers Omar showing him a graphic video of people being killed in Bosnia after he had joined the LSE. "It was essentially a snuff movie," he says. "He showed me footage of the ethnic cleansing and asked whether I was aware of it."

Omar has been on death row in Pakistan since July 2002. I wanted to interview him to get his version of events - the press had been banned at his trial for the abduction and murder of Daniel Pearl. After two months of red tape, misinformation and obstruction, I received a response: Omar had declined "any sort of interview". Another request to talk to someone from Pakistan's Home Department met with no reply. Apparently, the only people allowed to visit him are his lawyer, his parents, his wife and son (he was married in December 2000 and became a father in November 2001).

Omar's father, Saeed, is a clothing retailer in east London. He describes Omar as a man who hated to see people suffer. He said he had flown to the Balkans in 1992 with Convoy of Mercy, a charity that delivered relief supplies to Bosnia, and had received a bravery commendation from London Underground after rescuing a woman who had fallen on the track. "My family was interviewed by the authorities over here," he says, "but they could not find a single person making a comment detrimental to Omar's character.

"Our family in Pakistan looks after his wife and child now. My son, Awais, went to visit his brother but the authorities stopped him. It's disgusting and frustrating. Omar has not seen daylight in a year. It is the worst abuse of human rights."

Saeed Sheikh says his son is innocent of Pearl's murder. Does he think his son is also innocent of the 1994 kidnapping? "He had been acquitted," he says. "They had absolutely no evidence." Omar was acquitted of terrorism by a court in India in 1998 - a year before he was freed in the deal brokered with the hijackers. The prosecution had failed to establish any connection with Harkat-ul-Ansar, the terrorist organisation that had claimed responsibility for the kidnapping. The Indian government decided it would try him in a different province, so he stayed in prison. "The authorities simply wanted to hold him," Saeed says. "They wanted to try him for the same offence somewhere else." He believes his son was a pawn in the ongoing political battle between Pakistan and India.

But what about the four hostages Sheikh was alleged to have kidnapped? They had identified him as their captor. "He was tried and acquitted of everything," Saeed says. "There is no case of abduction; it's all propaganda."

Surely Saeed would concede that his son must have wielded considerable power to be freed as a result of the hijackers' demands? "I really don't know the truth, but I made it clear our family did not want him to be released as a result of negotiations with hijackers. We had a trial going on we had waited five and a half years for. It should have been fought in the courts."

Saeed says America claims to have already captured the person who physically abducted and killed Pearl. In October 2003, US government officials told Mariane Pearl, Daniel's widow, and the Wall Street Journal that a captured al-Qaida "mastermind", Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, had been identified as Pearl's killer after the FBI analysed the video-taped beheading. "Why do they need Omar?" Saeed asks.

Sheikh reportedly confessed to working with Pakistan's secret service, the ISI, a link that, if proved, could destroy Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf's integrity with Washington. During Sheikh's trial, Musharraf told a German newspaper he wanted him hanged. Sheikh's lawyer filed for contempt, claiming the president tried to influence the court. But at the end of the trial the US government welcomed the conviction, calling it an example of "Pakistan showing leadership in the war against terror".

Sheikh's lawyer Abdul Waheed Katpar has said he has shattered "every piece of evidence the prosecution produced to the court". "You would be horrified to know how empty and trumped-up their case against him was," he says. "He did not kill anybody."

Katpar claims Sheikh was arrested on February 5 2002 and not on February 12 as the police had said. He argued in court that this was proof that the four suspects in Pearl's abduction were held in secret for one week before their arrest was announced, and that during this time Pakistani police were able to fabricate evidence against them. According to Katpar, the witness accounts identifying his client were unreliable and some confessions were obtained under duress. He also claims Sheikh was tortured and put in solitary confinement. "In addition, the British government has done absolutely nothing for him. He is a citizen of the UK but they never consulted him." Simon Smart of the British High Commission in Islamabad says Sheikh has never requested consular assistance: "He does not want to be visited by our representatives," he says.

US briefs India on anti-missile system

US briefs India on anti-missile system

NEW DELHI: A US defence team gave a technical presentation of the upgraded Patriot anti-missile system to senior Indian defence scientists and missile experts on Tuesday.

Technical experts of the External Affairs Ministry’s International Security Division and senior army, air force and naval officers attended the presentation by the US Defence Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) delegation, held at the army headquarters.

The four-member delegation headed by Edward Ross is in New Delhi on a three-day visit as part of periodical exchanges between the US and India to offer updates on the progress achieved in the anti-missile defence shield.

India is keen to go in for a quick reaction anti-missile system and has been evaluating systems from Russia, Israel and the US to blunt Pakistan’s missile edge. Recently, the US invited India to join the select group of nations to be observers in its anti-missile development programme. In this region neither China nor Pakistan have the anti-ballistic missile capability.

Indian Defence Secretary Ajai Vikram Singh said that as part of the search for an effective anti-missile shield, India was keen to know more about the different kinds of systems. He said India would go for a system that met its security requirements.

The Bush administration had recently given clearance for a classified technical presentation of the PAC-2 system as part of the Next Step in Strategic Partnership (NSSP) agreement signed with India last year. The agreement was signed to assuage India after it had protested at Pakistan being granted a major non-NATO ally.

Though, the US team gave a presentation of its PAC-2 version that it had used successfully against Iraq during the Gulf War, India has set its eyes on the latest PAC-3 variant. PAC-2 is a long-range all altitude, all weather air defence system to counter tactical ballistic missiles, cruise missile and advanced aircraft. The range of the missile is 70 kilometres and can climb to an altitude of 24 kilometres. iftikhar gilani

Tuesday, February 22, 2005

The transition to an Islamic state is complete

Pakistani actors may be kept from Indian films

ISLAMABAD: The government is considering banning Pakistani actors and actresses from appearing in Indian movies after deeming some scenes featuring Lollywood superstar Meera in Mahesh Bhatt’s new film to be vulgar. According to sources, Pakistani actress Meera has some scenes in Mahesh Bhatt’s film Nazar where she is seen kissing an Indian actor. This has prompted the government and the Ministry of Culture to impose a heavy fine on her. A spokesman for the ministry said that Meera’s actions were against Islamic ethics and moral values. He said Pakistani actors or actresses going abroad were ambassadors of the country, and were not allowed to spread vulgarity, given that they lived in an Islamic state. online

State of the "peace" process

Kashmir settlement nowhere in sight, says USIP study

Washington: A new US study has expressed doubts about a settlement of the Kashmir dispute in the near future.

According to a special report issued by the US Institute of Peace (USIP), which is based on the findings of a roundtable of South Asia experts, while there are tangible grounds for optimism, there are “equally compelling reasons” that a settlement of the Kashmir issue is not close at hand. The most fundamental reason for this lack of optimism is the “inherent asymmetry of desired objectives with respect to the disposition of Kashmir.” India wishes to engage Pakistan to legitimise the territorial status quo by finding some means of formalising the Line of Control as the legal international border, whereas Pakistan seeks to engage India to find some means of altering, in various ways, the status quo and publicly rejects the possibility of transforming the LoC into an international border as a viable means of dispute resolution.

The USIP study found that the internal constraints of both countries also do not bode well for a fundamentally new approach to resolving their conflict. The political and security dynamic in Pakistan is “not comforting” and even if India were to accommodate Pakistan’s demand on “process,” it is far from obvious that Islamabad will be capable of packaging this and marketing it to its citizens and other stakeholders, such as the army, as a form of “progress” of the country’s core concerns. The study took the position that a resolution of the Kashmir issue means that Pakistan’s extensive and “formidable militant infrastructure” will have to be dismantled.

According to this analysis, India too has a number of domestic compulsions of its own. It is a vibrant, if imperfect, democracy and reaching a consensus on contentious issues such as relations with Pakistan, can be even more of a challenge to its diverse and active polity. “Since the Kargil crisis and the ongoing attacks within Indian-administered Kashmir and within India proper, many Indians have grown weary of Pakistan’s tactics.

Hardliners felt that they should not have to reward Pakistan for ceasing activities that Islamabad should not have started in the first place. The results of India’s April-May 2004 general elections have also added an additional layer of uncertainty to this analysis: the electorate dismissed the Bharitya Janata Party that spearheaded the recent peace overture. Although the new Congress Party government affirmed its commitment to the peace process, it is far from certain that it has the domestic clout to continue the engagement.”

The study, taking history as its guide, took the view that the likelihood of the present peace process breaking down is high and the probability of a meaningful breakthrough is quite slim. The South Asia experts assembled by the USIP agreed that the outcome of the present round of engagement ultimately will turn on the understanding held by New Delhi and by Islamabad on the core issues of the engagement and the concomitant progress made on each. Many of them felt that while a breakthrough was unlikely, a breakdown of the kind witnessed after the 1999 Lahore Declaration was not on the cards either. The bottom line of their exchanges was that a “stalemate” is the most likely outcome of the current engagement process.

Those who took part in the roundtable were Stephen Cohen, Dennis Kux, Ms Teresita Schaffer, Marvin Weinbaum, Ashley Tellis, Shahid Javed Burki and Husain Haqqani. khalid hasan

More on Dr Shazia

No law, no protection in Pakistan: Dr Shazia

* Says PPL officials drugged her to cover up the case
* Says issue being politicised


KARACHI: Dr Shazia, the Sui rape victim, said on Monday there was neither law nor protection in Pakistan.

In an interview with The Guardian newspaper of the UK, Dr Shazia said, “We are very scared. In Pakistan, there is no law, no protection, nothing. Who can we trust? Nobody.” Visitors are not welcome at her house in Karachi, not even with an invitation. A police team is posted at the gate and Rangers prowl the grounds inside.

“You need the permission from the bosses at the top,” says a moustached officer firmly. “The very top.” She has good reason to worry. Until six weeks ago, the 31-year-old was a company doctor at the Sui gas plant, at the farthest reaches of Balochistan. On January 3, she was raped in her bed.

Speaking publicly for the first time since the rape, Dr Shazia told the British newspaper that officials from Pakistan Petroleum Limited (PPL), which runs the plant, at first drugged her to cover up the case.

“Before the police came to take a statement, the (company’s) chief medical officer said: ‘Don’t give them any information.’ Then they injected me with a tranquilliser that made me drowsy,” she said.

At the time, PPL officials said Dr Shazia was unable to file a statement because she was unconscious. Despite her injuries, Dr Shazia was offered no medical treatment by PPL and she had no contact with her family for two days. Then the company flew her to Karachi and checked her into a private psychiatric hospital.

Three PPL doctors have since been arrested on charges of obstructing justice. But despite weeks of police investigation, Dr Shazia’s rapist remains at large.

She said she did not know his identity. “He tied my hands with a telephone wire and blindfolded me with a dupatta [scarf]. But I could feel that he had a moustache and curly hair. And I know his voice.”

Early this week, President Musharraf’s spokesman said an army captain was “under investigation” but had not been arrested. Meanwhile, Balochistan police have re-interviewed Dr Shazia – this time insinuating she was engaged in prostitution, The Guardian report says.

“They asked me where I got the Rs 25,000 that was stolen and when I wore my jewellery. And they said that a cleaner had found used condoms in my room,” she said.

Since then police have announced that DNA tests on the main suspect did not match that found at the scene, heightening fears of a cover-up. Weeks ago, the grandfather of Dr Shazia’s husband said the rape had rendered her kari – a disgrace to family honour – and so she must be divorced, and preferably killed. Such “honour killings” remain common in rural Pakistan.

But her husband, a pipeline engineer, says he is standing by his wife. His grandfather, he said, “is just a bad man, and this has made my wife even more scared. She can’t sleep at night, so I sit by her bed to take care of her”.

For human rights campaigners, the kari rubs salt in the wound of a case combining politics, violence and regressive traditions.

“In this country a woman has no status,” said Shershah Syed, of the Pakistan Medical Association (PMA). “She is an object, like a cow or a bucket.” Having lost their jobs and fearing for their lives, the couple want to leave Pakistan.

“They are politicising this issue, the whole country, everyone,” Dr Shazia said through tears before hanging up. “How can I face anyone any more? We have to get out.”

Only a handful of family visitors may enter the house where Dr Shazia and her husband are living. A senior police officer said, “You have to understand that in this matter we answer to the president.” sana

Monday, February 21, 2005

US planes violate Pak airspace

US planes violate Pak airspace

FROM NASAR MOHMAND
MOHMAND AGENCY - A number of United States spy planes violated Pakistan’s airspace at Khawaezai and Bayeezai areas of Mohmand Agency overnight Sunday.
The US planes entered Pakistani tribal areas of Mohmand Agency late Saturday night at around 11.50pm and remained in the air for around one hour. During this period, the planes kept patrolling in the area.
It was the third time since Friday that American planes entered Mohmand Agency areas. Though frequent violations of Pakistani airspace by the US planes resulted in unrest amongst the local tribesmen, the planes returned without any action.
The personnel of law-enforcement agencies on the Pak-Afghan border also remained silent during the violation of airspace by the US planes.

Saturday, February 19, 2005

IT exports from the land of the pure

a piddly 32.2 million $.

Country’s IT industry made comeback last year - first time after 9/11 incident - when the software export touched $32.22 million, which were almost 50 percent higher from previous figures. The current financial year saw a rising number of call centres, which has grown from last year’s six to 25.

Pakistan: most anti-American country in world

Pak 'most anti-American country in world'

Press Trust Of India
Posted online: Saturday, February 19, 2005 at 1232 hours IST
Updated: Saturday, February 19, 2005 at 1248 hours IST

Washington, February 19: An updated analysis of Pakistan's domestic developments by the Congressional Research Service (CRS), which advises Congress, has described Pakistan as "probably the most anti-American country in the world", ranging from the "radical Islamists on one side to the liberals and Westernised elites on the other side."

Adding to US concerns about Pakistan's domestic political developments are increasing signs of "Islamisation" and anti-American sentiment, analyst K. Alan Kronstadt, who is in charge of Asian affairs for CRS, said in his report.

In another report on Pakistan, updated till Jan 28, 2005, Kronstadt says that "Pakistan's powerful Inter-Services Intelligence is suspected of involvement in drug trafficking; in March 2003, a former US Ambassador to Pakistan told a House Internatinal Relations Committee panel that the role of the ISI in the heroin trade during 1997-2003 was "substantial." "Reports indicate that profits from drug sales are financing the activities of Islamic extremists in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Kashmir. Pakistan's counter-narcotics efforts are hampered by lack of full government commitment; scarcity of funds; poor infrastructure; government wariness ofprovoking unrest in tribal areas; and acute corruption," Kronstadt said.
The CRS report.